As regional tensions continue to reshape the Middle East, former Bangladesh Ambassador to Iran Tariq Karim speaks to Ramisa Rob of The Daily Star about Iran’s deep civilizational identity, the historical roots of its resilience, the misconceptions shaping Western policy, and why Bangladesh must rethink its strategic relations with Tehran. Ambassador Tariq Karim is currently Advisor to Independent University, Bangladesh and Distinguished Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore.

Having observed Iran for a long time, how do you understand the country?

I fundamentally believe that nations and societies carry history and culture deeply embedded within them. Human beings are like blotting papers; we absorb history, culture, and memory. These shape how we think and understand the world. A people cannot go against the grain of their historical development.

I was first posted to Iran in 1969, where I undertook a deep study of Iranian history through both foreign and Iranian sources. What I discovered was remarkable. Iran possesses a continuous civilizational history stretching back roughly 5,000 years. Throughout this period, it was ruled directly by only a few indigenous Persian dynasties. Most others were conquerors or invaders who arrived from outside.

Yet every conqueror who came was eventually “Persianized”. The Iranians absorbed them culturally. The conquerors might have stayed for decades or centuries, but eventually they left transformed by Persian civilizational culture itself. Iran adopted some influences from outsiders, but never lost its core civilizational identity.That continuity is critical. The Iranians are Persians first. To understand Iran, one must understand Persianness.

The first great Persian empire was the Achaemenid Empire. After Alexander’s conquest, the Greeks ruled for a period, but even Alexander became deeply Persianized. Later came the Sasanian Empire, another golden age of Persian civilization. During this era, the Persian language evolved significantly. One form of Middle Persian was known as Pahlavi (a name later assumed by the last Pahlavi dynasty). Then came the Arab conquest and the magnificent Safavid period, during which Persian culture became deeply intertwined with Shi’a Islam. This Islamized Persian identity became a critical defining layer added onto an already ancient civilization.

The Iranian sense of history and identity is extraordinarily strong. I witnessed two very different Irans during my career. I first served there during the Shah’s era, when the state glorified pre-Islamic Persian civilization. Later, I returned during the rule of the Islamic Republic, when Shi’a Islam became the dominant ideological framework.

But even after the Islamic Revolution, Persianness remained deeply rooted.

When I arrived in Tehran in 1991, it was just before Chaharshanbe Suri, the celebration held on the last Wednesday of the Iranian year. The Iranians still followed many ancient Zoroastrian traditions. Families gathered around bonfires and jumped across the flames, symbolically leaving behind the misfortunes of the past year before entering the new one purified. This revealed the depth of Persian cultural identity, which cannot simply be erased.

Iranian history also explains why the country reacts so strongly to external intervention. Iran has repeatedly experienced invasions, occupations, and foreign interference throughout its history. Yet each time, the nation survived and eventually reasserted itself.

Iranians may criticize their government internally, but when faced with an external threat, they close ranks. They unite around the defence of Iran itself.

That is exactly what we are witnessing today.

Shi’a Islam is central to Iran’s national psyche. Martyrdom occupies a particularly important place within Shi’a culture, rooted in the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), during the events commemorated on Ashura.

This historical memory reinforces a culture of sacrifice and resistance. Many Iranians view struggle and suffering as meaningful components of defending their identity and beliefs.

Do American policymakers fundamentally misunderstand Iran?

Yes, very much so.American perceptions of Iran remain heavily shaped by the 1979 clergy-led Revolution and the ensuing hostage crisis.

But the roots of modern Iranian distrust towards the West go back much further, to 1953, when the CIA and MI6 jointly overthrew Iran’s highly popular nationalist Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh after he nationalized Iran’s oil industry.

For many Iranians, 1979 was not the beginning of the conflict. It was the culmination of decades of foreign intervention. Americans often begin the story in 1979. Iranians begin it in 1953.

What makes Iran so strategically significant in global geopolitics?

Iran’s geopolitical importance stems from both its geography and its vast resources. If you examine the map, Iran sits astride one of the world’s most critical energy corridors: the Strait of Hormuz. Twenty percent of global oil and gas shipments (and over 35 percent of global fertilizer supplies) pass through this narrow waterway. Much of East Asia, including China, Japan, and South Korea, depends heavily on Persian Gulf energy supplies. This gives Iran immense strategic significance.

At the same time, the global rivalry between the United States, China, and Russia is increasingly shaping the region. Iran’s relationships with China and Russia have grown stronger because of shared geopolitical interests and opposition to American dominance.

What would a realistic path to ending the Iran–Israel–US conflict look like?

All sides must work seriously to end this war. But any effort to resolve the conflict must acknowledge Iranian historical psychology. Iran is not likely to surrender under pressure. Its identity has been forged through centuries of resisting foreign domination. Every external attack tends to strengthen Iranian nationalism rather than weaken it.

The world also needs to confront the broader regional realities, especially regarding Israel and Palestine. Iran has consistently positioned itself as one of the strongest supporters of the Palestinian cause, even at immense economic and geopolitical cost. Whether one views that as inflexibility or principled commitment depends on perspective. If “Persianness” is the soul of Iran, its heart is Shi’a doctrine. Together, they give the Iranian nation a backbone of titanium to stand up to any foreign intrusion.

How should Bangladesh rethink its relationship with Iran in the changing geopolitical landscape?

Bangladesh’s greatest vulnerability is energy insecurity. We have become overly dependent on imported hydrocarbons from the Persian Gulf rather than diversifying our sources or developing our own resources in the Bay of Bengal. We failed to think strategically and anticipatorily.

Iran has survived sanctions for nearly fifty years, yet it has achieved major advances in literacy, education, technology, and industrial development. The country is far more sophisticated and resilient than many outsiders realise.

Women in Iran, despite restrictions, are often highly educated, socially assertive, and deeply influential within families and society. Iran is not a country that can simply be ignored or understood through simplistic stereotypes.

Bangladesh needs to build parallel bridges to Iran while continuing its ties with all states on the western side of the Persian Gulf. Let us not forget that, once the war is over, Iran — a land almost the size of Western Europe, with a population of 93 million and vast hydrocarbon reserves — will focus on massive reconstruction. As in the past, it can once again become a source of gainful employment for Bangladeshi expatriate workers of all categories.