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few other cases against senior police officers as well.

As for the reforms, the National Consensus Commission appears to be inching closer to the July Charter -- an agreement among political parties that will guide future reforms. With the election timeline, as well as the July Declaration, announced on the anniversary of July Uprising, the interim government appears to be progressing reasonably well on its pledges. So far as checking boxes are concerned, it is fairly on course.

The financial sector reforms have been commendable too. The interim administration had inherited an economy on the brink of collapse. Over the last year, it has contained outflow of foreign exchange and noticeably improved once dwindling foreign reserve. Exports have turned around and banks have regained consumer confidence, thanks to prudent regulations. A spiralling inflation has been tamed with encouraging signs that it will dip further. But given the temporary nature of this government, most investors are waiting for a more predictable political landscape, which will unlock Bangladesh’s full economic potential leading to employment generation.

But reforms have been largely absent in areas like bureaucracy, anti-corruption, policing, health or education. Most of the discussions have centred around issues deemed crucial for election, caretaker government and the constitution, that will presumably help revive the independence of autonomous and constitutional bodies, rebuild institutions crucial for a strong democracy. Arriving at this political compact in itself may be regarded as a worthy effort and a sign of progress. However, similar to the July Declaration, which has been roundly criticised for failing to embody people’s aspirations, the July Charter might also be a letdown compared to the high expectations around it.

As for the women’s affairs commission, the government’s conspicuous silence despite blatant public abuse from religious hardliners suggest that Dr Yunus’s administration has all but disowned it. In fact, even the physical assaults on women, and there have been quite a few of them, do not appear to have drawn much attention of the cabinet of advisers many of whom had been vocal activists for most of their life. This is an aspect that rights advocates at home and abroad have noted.

Ain O Salish Kendra, a right organisation notes in its press release of August 7 that women are “living in an environment of widespread insecurity”. It says, rape, sexual harassment, and domestic and social violence have become news items. Hate speech is becoming increasingly aggressive. “This oppression of women is not limited at the individual level, but rather, it has taken the form of structural violence, increasingly narrowing the avenues for women’s social, political, and economic empowerment.”

The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) said in its report in July that “tensions and religious freedom concerns still persist”. It points out that although Professor Yunus reiterates the importance of religious freedom in Bangladesh and a commitment to maintain religious harmony in his speeches, individuals express concern about their safety and ability to express their faith openly. “Some religious minorities and Muslim women emphasised that they continue to face societal-level discrimination from more hardline Islamic groups, and they emphasised that attacks along religious lines, while sporadic, continue.”

Far from being isolated instances, the spectacle of a few gruesome executions, mob violence, and public assault of women were symptomatic of the overall deterioration of law and order of the past year. The government’s denial, and labelling reports as ‘fear mongering’ have hardly helped matters.

The police, on the other hand, are yet to find their morale that they had lost during the July protests when they killed hundreds of protesters on the streets. The army continues to work in aid to civil power with magistracy powers to help with policing.

Despite all its rhetoric and promise of good governance, the interim government has not been able to stop murder cases being filed against hundreds of people, directly or remotely connected to the previous regime. Hundreds of people, perceived to be beneficiaries or sympathisers of the Awami League regime, have found themselves accused of murder. These have included journalists, politicians, judges, lawyers, film stars and even former sportsmen. Many of them have been arrested and denied bail. Even the law adviser admitted in a recent interview that mob violence and fabricated charges have been deeply troubling. At least 266 journalists have been implicated in various cases, many for murder, related to the events of July and August last year.

According to Human Rights Watch, between August 6 and September 25, 2024, police lodged cases against 92,486 people, most of them related to murder. Nearly 400 former ministers, members of parliament, and other Awami League officials have been named in over 1,170 cases, which also include hundreds of unnamed individuals, said the international human rights organisation.

While it is desirable that Bangladesh speaks with a strong voice and articulates its vision, the interim government has yet to come up with a win-win vision as regards our largest neighbour. Hence, it is not surprising that relations with India remain cool, at best, with the borders still shut down a whole year after the interim government took oath. On the other hand, efforts to deepen relations with China have been noticeable in frequent exchanges and visits of delegations. Rohingya repatriation efforts continue to face hurdles and have become increasingly complicated, with the Arakan Army seizing control of large swathes of Rakhine state, which borders Bangladesh. In the midst of all this, the suggestion of a humanitarian passage to transport aid to the Rohingya sparked widespread criticism.

Although the Yunus government has repealed the notorious Cyber Security Act -- used to target journalists under the Awami League regime -- there are concerns over provisions of the Cyber Security Ordinance, that replaces it, since it grants authorities extensive powers to arrest individuals and conduct searches without a warrant. In another positive development, Bangladesh signed on to the UN’s International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

The government’s one year in office has been marked by its lack of resolve. It has baulked and backed down in the face of protests no matter how unreasonable the demands. Repeated reversal of its own decisions clearly betrayed a lack of coordination within itself. The interim government’s silence and inaction in situations that demanded immediate intervention only exposed imprudence and callousness.