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been navigating a kind of revolutionary phase. It was an unprecedented situation for Bangladesh. Naturally, there was tension and uncertainty. However, over the past six months, the situation has further stabilised. Despite slow progress, things are improving. People might have expected quicker actions, but various limitations prevented us. The government is doing its best.

TDS: What were the main challenges during this time?

Nahid: The biggest challenges were maintaining law and order and controlling prices of essentials. Ensuring national unity while meeting people’s expectations has always been a challenge. As you can see, the government’s structure is small, but it’s work scope is quite extensive. We’ve to move forwards by maintaining a balance among political parties while keeping national unity intact. Meanwhile, the reform commissions are submitting their reports. The trial proceedings for the crimes against humanity committed during the July uprising have already begun and the accused are being arrested. So, I believe we’re making progress. If the political parties show more goodwill, we can advance at a faster pace.

TDS: What were the things you wanted to achieve during this period but couldn’t?

Nahid: There are some regrets. If we could take some stricter measures from the very beginning, changes could have come sooner.

Over these six months, we haven’t been able to improve the administrative and law and order situations to the desired level. However, there’ve been some improvement. I believe our biggest achievement has been the transition from uncertainty to stability.

In the early days, there were speculations about whether the government would remain in power, or there would be a counter-revolution. There were conspiracies within the country, along with geopolitical pressures. There was an international campaign against us. Tensions were created regarding the minority community in the country. However, those tensions have now been mostly resolved. I believe this is significant progress.

TDS: As for the law-and-order situation, incidents like muggings are occurring daily, even in broad daylight, which is concerning.

Nahid: Yes, that’s true -- some challenges still exist. Incidents of mugging and criminal activities are occurring in some areas. We’re trying to restore the police’s morale to its previous state. The police are currently undergoing a transformation. New training is being provided, but due to extensive changes, it’s taking time to stablise. For example, many member of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police have been transferred outside Dhaka, and new officers have been brought to the capital. Thus, it’s taking some time for them to adjust to their new environments. There was criticism when the police were initially inactive (following the fall of the AL government). Then when they took strict measures, there was again criticism. This hinders the police from becoming stable. However, they will gradually resume full-scale operational activities.

TDS: Why was the police uniform changed? Do you think it’ll lead to any qualitative improvement in the force?

Nahid: We don’t think that changing the uniform will solve everything. However, there are symbolic and psychological aspects to it.

A few days ago, I visited the graves of some martyrs. Relatives of one of the martyrs were infuriated upon seeing the policemen who were accompanying me, even though they have nothing to do with the deaths. The reactions might have been different if the officers were in plainclothes, as the primary identity of a force is represented through its uniform. This aspect is being taken into consideration. On one hand, we expect police to protect human rights, while on the other, they’re tasked with controlling riots.

The government is working on providing advance training to police for qualitative improvement of the force.

TDS: Various shrines have been attacked, while a girls’ football match was disrupted. What’re the reasons?

Nahid: These incidents may have occurred due to the law-and-order situation. These are embarrassing for the government. It is taking these incidents seriously and trying to take appropriate action, while also considering compensation to the affected shrines.

TDS: The students and youth are saying that the election should be held after reforms. On the other hand, the chief adviser has announced an election timeline. Is there a conflicting position between these two issues?

Nahid: From the beginning, we’ve maintained there is no conflict between the election and reforms. In fact, while elections are crucial for democracy, reforms are equally necessary to ensure fair polls.

Over the past 15 years, elections haven’t been conducted properly. The people have lost much of their faith in the electoral institutions. During the (July-August) movement, we said we wanted to create a new arrangement to prevent the return of fascism.

We want to ensure that no future government can use the electoral system for party or personal gains. This is a long-term process, but we want start with creating the foundation. We want to take political (parties’) commitment so that whoever comes to power will continue the reforms.

TDS: Do you think the reforms can be completed within the timeframe set by the chief adviser?

Nahid: If you notice, the first six reform commissions we formed are related to state structure and electoral reforms. Some of the commissions have already submitted their reports. We hope to discuss these issues with political parties this month. The parties were eager to know a specific timeframe. From that perspective, we believe the timeframe given by the chief adviser is consistent with the reform initiatives.

TDS: BNP previously suggested that the election could be held on August 5, terming it a historic date. What is your response to this?

Nahid: August 5 will also be a historic date in 2026. If this date is chosen as a milestone for the democratic journey, I don’t see an issue.

TDS: There are discussions regarding a political party by the students and the youth, and the resignation of two advisers including yourself. Will you really be resigning?

Nahid: As advisers, we’re still focused on the government’s work. Those who’re involved in forming a new political party are discussing the formation. No decision has yet been made regarding our resignations.

TDS: Since you were a key figure in the July uprising, many expect you to join a party. What’s your personal view on this?

Nahid: I haven’t decided yet. I still need to think about where I can perform best or where my presence is most needed. I’ll decide after further evaluating whether I should still be in government or work on the ground.

TDS: BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul has raised questions about the government’s neutrality. Do you think this is related to the formation of the students’ party?

Nahid: The students didn’t form a party immediately after the uprising in order to gain the trust of the political parties. If they had, many other would have shown interest in being involved and they still might. So, you can understand the perspective of the youth.

The government prioritising the advice of political parties in making key decisions. When the issue of removing the president arose, we did the same.

Therefore, BNP’s allegations of bias aren’t justified. I don’t know if they’re considering any alternative plan or other options by removing Dr Yunus. If they are, it won’t be beneficial for any of us.

TDS: Is there any crack developing in national unity?

Nahid: The uprising involved participation of various parties and opinions. There were differences, but during the movement, we took a united stance. So, differences will exist, but this does not mean it’s a weakness.

We don’t expect everyone to have the same stance over every issue. However, the main thing is how we can remain united on national challenges. I believe that national unity is still intact. If it weren’t and political parties didn’t cooperate, it would’ve been more difficult to run the government.

I hope this cooperation will continue in the future. Through our collective efforts, if we can maintain a consistent path towards reforms and embark on a proper democratic journey, it’ll be an achievement for all, especially those in the upcoming government. Their task will be simplified.

TDS: How much reform can realistically be accomplished? There isn’t much time.

Nahid: That’s precisely why we weren’t eager to announce an election timeline in haste. If even the minimal expectations of the people, which arose through the mass uprising and consequent bloodshed, are not met, they will lose faith in us and take to the streets in anger. Sheikh Hasina’s government was elected democratically in 2008, but it committed misdeeds. This suggests that an elected government doesn’t necessarily guarantee the country’s safety. We’re aware of the recommendations made by “Teen Joter Ruprekha (roughly translated to ‘tri-alliance outline’)” in 1990, but those plans weren’t implemented. This time, we aim to create a roadmap for the public through reforms in the state structure, which can continue no matter who comes to power next.

TDS: Several journalists have been arrested and are in jail. Many were charged with murder, and some were laid off. Can these not be seen as a threat to freedom of press?

Nahid: No one has been arrested for criticising the interim government. Many of those who were closely involved with the previous regime and failed to uphold journalistic ethics, who were complicit with fascism, are accused of being involved in (the July) killings.

However, I believe the role of journalists and the media over the past 15 years should be discussed further. It isn’t possible to judge everyone within the legal framework. There should be some measures for those who have committed moral or social crimes as collaborators of fascists. If the government takes such measures, it may be questioned. I think the initiative should come from within the media itself.

TDS: While there may be allegations of financial wrongdoings against some journalists, but many are charged with murder. Isn’t this putting pressure on other journalists?

Nahid: We’ve kept the scope for reconsideration if any case wasn’t filed properly. We’ve communicated with the law ministry regarding those who have applied for a review (of the cases filed against them). Some have allegations of corruption against them, which are being investigated by the Anti-Corruption Commission and other relevant government agencies. The government isn’t pressuring the media, but there is social pressure. There were protests in front of some media houses. Internationally, this is being portrayed as if there’s no media freedom in Bangladesh, which I think is incorrect.

In the past, there’s been a history of media houses being shut down with the change in government. But nothing of this sort happened after our government was formed, though there’s resentment among the people over the role of some media outlets.

I won’t take names, but certain media outlets directly supported the then government during the July uprising. Was that acceptable? Yet, they’ve given no statement as to why they did so and in what context. Neither did they say they wouldn’t repeat such things. That’s why people may have expressed their resentments in their own ways.

If the journalists, who haven’t worked ethically or couldn’t over the past 15 years, realise and admit their mistakes, and commit to not doing so in the future, this pressure perhaps will also lessen.

TDS: The recently approved draft of the Cyber Protection Ordinance-2024 contains several repressive provisions, as highlighted by civil society groups such as Transparency International Bangladesh. What are your thoughts?

Nahid: The law is being revised to ensure journalists and all sectors of society have freedom of speech and expression. I admit our government rushed the drafting process. The intention was to pass it quickly so that the victims of false cases filed under the Cyber Security Act could get some relief. Now, we’ve decided to cancel cases related to speech and writing offenses.

TDS: Will the government take into account the concerns raised by stakeholders?

Nahid: Absolutely. Further discussions will take place. We aim to create the best possible law with input from all stakeholders. I believe we can do that if stakeholder meetings are held properly.

TDS: In your opinion, what will be the future of Awami League politics? Will it be able to participate in the next polls? Will it be banned?

Nahid: It can’t be definitively said at this moment. Whether Awami League should be banned or allowed to contest polle is something that requires national consensus. It’ll also depend on the decisions from the courts and the Election Commission. However, as those who led the uprising, we believe Awami League has no moral or legal ground to continue politics.

TDS: But you have mentioned reconciliation…

Nahid: Yes, but not under Awami League’s banner. Those from the Sheikh family or individuals identified as corrupt or involved in mass killings have no right to continue politics.

TDS: What about Awami League members who were not involved in corruption or violence?

Nahid: There is no room for politics under the name or ideology of Awami League. Their ideology is fascist, which led to 15 years of oppression and mass killings. Those who realise their mistakes must abandon that ideology. Their political and civil rights remain intact -- they can join other parties or form a new one.

TDS: If someone from the Awami League, who wants a clean image, wants to join the Anti-discrimination Students’ Movement – would you accept them?

Nahid: I am not currently involved with the platform, so I don’t want to comment.

T DS: You don’t want Awami League to continue politics, but there’s no provision for prosecuting a party in the amended ICT Act…

Nahid: At that time, the decision was made based on consultations with national and international stakeholders. Legal experts and learned advisers of the advisory council gave their input.

Our main focus is to ensure that the judicial process is not questioned. However, there’re other ways to ban a party outside courts as well.

TDS: Is such an initiative being taken?

Nahid: For now, we’re focusing on the judicial process. Once progress is made in that regard, decisions on related matters will become easier.

TDS: Critics say if the prosecution of a party was included in the law, Jamaat-e-Islami would have to be prosecuted for its 1971 crimes as well…

Nahid: That’s not the case at all. After discussing with experts, all necessary actions to maintain international standards have been taken.

TDS: Could you share something about the progress of the judicial process in ICT?

Nahid: We hope that the judicial proceedings of the important cases will begin before August.

TDS: Will the election be held after that?

Nahid: It’ll depend on the judicial timeline. However, we want the people to witness that justice, and then a fair election.

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