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FROM ‘71 TO ‘24 A People United for Justice
PHOTO: ANWAR HOSSAIN
To avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, the frustration, corruption, and lack of direction that marred the post-liberation period must not be allowed to resurface in the aftermath of the July events.
PRIYAM PAUL
This year, December 16 arrives with a distinctly different ambiance. It holds greater significance than in previous years, when the day was marked with traditional observances. The highly repressive and undemocratic Awami League government has fallen, brought down by a student-led movement that emerged through a popular uprising and at the cost of over a thousand lives and countless injuries. The war of 1971 will forever symbolize sacrifice and courage—not only against foreign invaders but also in reclaiming the rights of the people when they are gravely threatened at home. The energy and force of the 2024 uprising have once again revived the spirit of 1971, albeit in a different context, reaffirming the enduring struggle for justice and freedom.
No significant event can be directly compared to other major historical milestones, as each carries a distinct blend of similarities and unique characteristics. In the tradition of political upheavals, the great uprising of 2024 resonates with movements from 1952, 1969, 1971, and 1991. However, unlike the full-fledged war of 1971, the 2024 uprising, marked by brutal violence, underscores an urgent call for a comprehensive overhaul of political, bureaucratic, judicial, financial, and educational institutions. These institutions, riddled with corruption and driven by partisan interests over professionalism, had become increasingly dysfunctional.
The 2024 uprising requires more time to be thoroughly analyzed, but it raises critical questions about why such major upheavals occur so frequently in this region. While a similar uprising unfolded in Sri Lanka following the ruler’s departure, the frequent uprisings in Bangladesh stand out as a pressing issue compared to other parts of the subcontinent. This phenomenon may stem from Bangladesh’s inherent inability to build robust democratic institutions capable of systematically addressing demands. In most cases, uprisings have occurred when political mobilization reached a critical point, often under military rule, as peaceful transitions were obstructed by the failure of an effective electoral system.
At the same time, the unique features of Bangladesh set it apart from other regions. As Badruddin Umar explained, the overwhelming homogeneity of Bangladesh, unlike the diversity of India and Pakistan with their multiple nationalities, facilitates a unified political program that supports uprisings. This shared political sentiment is a distinctive attribute of Bangladesh, enabling timely and cohesive uprisings. Umar further notes that the severity of repression in 2024 amplified the scale of the uprising. Additionally, as existing political parties failed to provide leadership, students took on primary roles in driving the movement.
The making of the Bengali nation was possible due to the victory in the 1971 War against Pakistani invaders. Youth, particularly from the peasant class, played a significant role in the resistance movement, with all sections of society participating. Before the war, the political struggle during the Pakistan period faced racial and economic exploitation in East Pakistan. The political movement was strategically framed as constitutional, anti-military, democratic, and secular in nature, while also emphasizing regional autonomy and a vision of equal justice. The nation was unified under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib through his six-point demand in 1966, an overwhelming election victory in 1970—the first general election in Pakistan—and the non-cooperation movement in March 1971. These efforts collectively fortified the moral and mental resolve of the Bengalis to fight against Pakistan, culminating in the success of the 1971 war despite every attempt by the Pakistani junta to destroy Bengali political will through force. The 1971 war was a global event, involving not only India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh in the military struggle but also attracting the great powers of the world due to their own interests and geopolitical concerns.
Notably, the rise of Bangladesh was an immense challenge, unimaginable even to global superpowers. As Sisson and Rose articulate in their account of the Bangladesh War, it “was neither expected nor judged necessary by any of the major players before early fall of 1971.” Political direction made unity possible for the cause of liberation, and after the war unleashed by the Pakistani army, an indomitable undertaking emerged to resist the occupying forces with minimal logistical support. Foreign support played a significant role, and the youth were pivotal in carrying out the war successfully.
People always join uprisings when they are subjected to overwhelming injustice by their rulers. In our country, many participants from marginalized backgrounds suffer greatly during such uprisings but frequently feel betrayed afterward. The events of 1971 and the July uprising appear similar in terms of the challenges of effective planning required to successfully lead the nation in the post-revolutionary period.
Bangladesh’s government initially planned to engage youth freedom fighters during the war after the conflict. These plans aimed to channel their contributions positively toward reconstruction efforts. However, these plans were not effectively implemented after the war, leading to chaos and confusion that overshadowed hopes for positive change and resulted in disillusionment.
The uprising of 2024 risks being misdirected if not channeled properly in a systematic manner. Students at public universities have suffered significantly due to the lack of government investment in the education sector, which has resulted in poor academic facilities over the decades. Additionally, continuous harassment and persecution by members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) deterred them from organizing protests. This mirrors the activities of the NSF at Dhaka University during Ayub Khan’s regime in the 1960s. However, the relentless actions of the BCL only strengthened the students’ resolve. While the BCL managed to suppress the 2018 Road Safety Movement, the students in 2024 made history with the support of the masses. Private university students actively participated, and women played an instrumental role in ensuring the success of the uprising.
Even after the uprising, when the police force was nearly dysfunctional, students stepped forward to manage the traffic system, safeguard minorities from potential attacks, and actively participate in fundraising and relief efforts for flood-affected areas. However, recent developments paint a concerning picture. Young students are demanding automatic promotion without exams, pressuring teachers to resign without due process, and engaging in violent clashes with peers from other colleges.
Most concerning is the failure to provide proper medical treatment or government compensation for the injured, alongside a lack of clarity regarding support for the families of those who were martyred during the July uprising. To avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, the frustration, corruption, and lack of direction that marred the post-liberation period must not be allowed to resurface in the aftermath of the July events. Preserving national unity and pursuing genuine reform are crucial to securing a better future for the nation.
Priyam Paul is a journalist and researcher.
The 2024 uprising requires more time to be thoroughly analyzed, but it raises critical questions about why such major upheavals occur so frequently in this region. While a similar uprising unfolded in Sri Lanka following the ruler’s departure, the frequent uprisings in Bangladesh stand out as a pressing issue compared to other parts of the subcontinent.