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Chunnu’s so-called ‘strategy’
A repeat of 2014 and 2018 is to be seen in the upcoming national elections. After long talks for days with the ruling Awami League, the Jatiya Party (JP) eventually came to an arrangement. Throughout this, when talking to journalists, JP Secretary General Mujibul Haque Chunnu kept emphasising that his party, like all others, has certain koushol (strategies) that are best kept secret. Their strategy, however, eventually proved to be the same old one—coming to an understanding that the ruling Awami League (AL) would withdraw candidates from a certain number of seats. JP’s sole bargaining power throughout was that their withdrawal would leave AL with no parliamentary opposition. The question, then, is: why not a more efficient bargain?
There were multiple instances in the past when the founder chairman of Jatiya Party, HM Ershad, was criticised for changing his opinions and crucial party decisions overnight. In fact, he was subjected to mockery due to allegedly being two-faced regarding several issues of national interest. As much as adorers of the party would prefer no such stain on current Chairman GM Quader’s image, he has acted no different than his brother recently. Quader has taken a last-minute U-turn, from stating that he would not accept a “beggar’s deal” to ensuring that the Awami League competitor in his constituency, Rangpur-3, withdrew from the race.
During my brief tenure in JP, I noticed a clear difference of perspectives between the MPs and the activists—the latter are unhappy being labelled the ruling party’s B-team (although it may not necessarily portray any soft corner for BNP), but interests on the part of the MPs are obvious. Overall, the party receives benefits from the influence that comes from the seats, including finances. Having been out of state power for more than three decades, JP is in dire need of money, and donations from businessmen would only flow in if parliamentary seats are secured. I strongly doubt if Jatiya Party MPs at the moment are at all willing to give up the luxury of their powers and the benefits that their position entails. Notably, most current MPs have secured their seats via the seat-sharing arrangement (26 constituencies, with no competition from Awami League) this time also. As in 2014 and 2018, the voice of the party activists has been expectedly ignored.
As a seasoned political leader, GM Quader owes an explanation to the citizens as to why he did not adhere to his words. Was he fearful that the ruling Awami League would put forth Raushan Ershad to lead the Jatiya Party, if he’d disagreed to a compromise? Was he fearful that neighbouring India would approach Rowshan, had he not given in? Was he fearful that, at this old age, he would lose his position in the parliament (and in the party), and eventually fade into oblivion? Was it his spouse Sharifa Quader who, at the last moment, was privileged with Dhaka-18 with no competition from Awami League?
Had JP contested in all 283 constituencies without seat-sharing, they could have established themselves as a party that believes in elections and is ready to fight. Given their philosophical similarity to BNP, Jatiya Party might as well have secured votes of the conservative mass that are loyal to them and also to BNP.
However, facts suggest that all JP candidates (who had contested Awami League candidates) in the last national election lost their deposits. Also, the total voter turnout in those elections was disappointing.
Most people at the moment are saddened by Quader and JP’s high-ups for seemingly acting greedily in the interest of only 26 party leaders.
There is no reason anymore to think that JP would ever be able to gather a degree of collective effervescence. There is also no reason to believe anymore that young and educated political enthusiasts would ever be interested in working for a party that is perceived to shamelessly remain as the B-team, heavily influenced by Delhi and top leaders who stoop down to greed of money, position, and power. One need not be a pro-Awami League or pro-BNP citizen to frown upon Jatiya Party’s flawed, opportunistic “strategies.”
Had JP contested in all 283 constituencies without seat-sharing, they could have established themselves as a party that believes in elections and is ready to fight. Given their philosophical similarity to BNP, Jatiya Party might as well have secured votes of the conservative mass that are loyal to them and also to BNP. However, facts suggest that all JP candidates (who had contested Awami League candidates) in the last national election lost their deposits. Also, the total voter turnout in those elections was disappointing.
Advocate Saquib Rahman
is the editor of Progress Magazine. He teaches law at North South University and is former international affairs secretary of Jatiya Party.