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Immortal Ekushey and the Language Movement of Fifty-two

Rafiqul Islam
March 11 was observed in East Bengal as the state language day each year from 1948 to 1951; but along with the lingering stalemate on the issue of framing the constitution of Pakistan, the question of state language also could not be resolved. In the meantime, the first Governor General of Pakistan Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan had passed away. After Jinnah’s death, Khwaja Nazimuddin became the Governor General; Nurul Amin became the Chief Minister of East Bengal following the assassination of Liaquat. In the Dhaka session of Pakistan Muslim League held on 26 January 1952, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan Khwaja Nazimuddin declared: ‘Urdu shall be the only state language of Pakistan’. In response to that announcement, a protest day was observed in Dhaka on 30 January 1952. On that day, a students’ strike was enforced in Dhaka University and a protest meeting was organized at the old ‘Kalabhaban’ (Arts Building) compound under the aegis of the university state-language committee. The language movement of Fifty-two commenced from the observance
of this strike and the holding of this meeting. The university state-language committee was earlier constituted towards the end of 1948 with a prominent member of the organizing committee of ‘East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League’ Abdul Matin as its convener. In the backdrop of this declaration by the Pakistani Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, that committee was revived on 30 January 1952; the state language movement of Fifty-two was launched through the initiative of that committee. An all-party workers’ meeting was held at the Bar Library Hall on Thursday, 31 January 1952 to assess and review the state language problem. The following report was published by the daily Azad on 1 February 1952 on that workers’ meeting:
“An all-party executive council was constituted for the state language movement at the meeting comprising over 40 members. The president of East Pakistan Awami Muslim League Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani presided over the meeting. The workers and leaders of East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League, Tamuddun Majlis, Islami Bhratrisangha, Jubosangha and East Pakistan Mohajer Samiti attended the conference.”
It could be gathered from the Azad report that Kazi Golam Mahbub was elected the convener of this executive council. Khandakar Golam Mostafa had written in the first compilation on Ekushey titled ‘Ekushey February’ (first published in March 1953) edited by Hasan Hafizur Rahman:
“A few representatives from the Awami Muslim League, the Jubo League, Khilafate Rabbani Party, Chhatra League and university action council were inducted to this committee. Kazi Golam Mahbub was appointed the convener of the comminee. Besides, others included in the committee were: Abul Hashim, Ataur Rahman Khan, Kamruddin Ahmad, Shamsul Haque, Mohammad Toaha, Oli Ahad, Abdul Matin, Khaleque Newaz Khan etc. The committee took decision at its very first meeting to observe 21 February as the state language day through organizing meetings, processions and strike. For making the day’s programmes a success, the university action council announced the decision to observe strike and organize processions and meetings of students and citizens at all educational institutions of Dhaka city on 4 February.”
Meanwhile, Khwaja Nazimuddin called a press conference at Dhaka’s Governor House on 30 January in order to diffuse the hostile reaction towards his 26 January announcement on the state language issue. There, he said that he had only repeated what the late Quaid-i-Azam had stated at a meeting in Paltan Maidan - only the people’s assembly had the power to take a final decision on the matter’. Despite that statement by Khwaja Nazimuddin, the protest day was observed very successfully on 4 February.
After the protest day on 4 February 1952, the flag-day was observed on 11 and 13 February. Funds were collected for observing the state language day on 21 February by selling badges containing the logo ‘We demand state language Bangla’. In the meantime, the Nurul Amin government banned the only anti-government English daily ‘Pakistan Observer’ on religious grounds on 10 February. The owner of the newspaper Hamidul Haque Chowdhury and the editor
Abdus Salam were arrested and then harassed by granting and denying bail. On the other hand, a movement was also built up demanding release of all political prisoners. The following news item was published in the daily Azad on 21 February with the caption ‘Hunger strike by Sheikh Mujib’:
“A leaflet published by the central office of East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League says that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Mohiuddin Ahmad, imprisoned on security grounds, observed hunger-strike inside the jail on 16 February. A meeting of the university students chaired by Mr. Mokhiesur on 19 February at 1.20 pm on the Dhaka University campus demanded unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Mohiuddin and other political prisoners".
The ruling Muslim League government was perturbed by the call for a general strike on 21 February for observing the state-language day; it imposed section-144 in Dhaka city for one month and banned al) meetings, processions etc. For reviewing the situation, the 'all-party action council' sat at an emergency meeting with Abul Hashim in the chair. Khandakar Golam Mostafa wrote on the deliberations and decisions at the meeting in the compilation 'Ekushey February":
"A majority of members were against violating section-144 the next day. Only the Jubo League leader Oli Ahad spoke in favour of maintaining the earlier announced programme under any circumstances. ...But before the conclusion of the meeting, the student representatives arrived to inform about the opinion of the agitated youth community: the students would break section-144 tomorrow, it was a decision taken by the students' action council. The final decision would be taken at a meeting of the general students at 12 noon on 21 February. The members of the all-party council representing political parties were upset by this mode of decision-making by the students. The committee decided that the general secretary of the Awami Muslim League Shamsul Haque would try to convince the students on behalf of the council about the logic of defying section-144. But if the students did not agree, then the all-party council would cease to exist from then onwards".
Kabiruddin Ahmad narrated in the compilation 'Ekushey February* about the decision of the 'All-party action council* not to defy section-144: "Despite that, most of the council members opined in favour of accepting the repressive measures of the government, and ultimately the decision not to break section-144 was adopted by 11 -4 votes.”
When the president rose to disclose the result of voting and his own opinion, I also stood up and said that the student community and the political leadership would become adversaries if the voting results were announced, and this would cause serious harm to the country. Therefore, the two opinions expressed through voting should be declared as the collective decision and they should be declared as the decision of the all-party action council at the scheduled students' gathering tomorrow; the students should then be given the responsibility of deciding which opinion to adopt - and they should implement it as the decision of the All-party committee.
After listening to my words, the chairperson Abul Hashim said, "You please elect two representatives for speaking about the opinions at the students' gathering tomorrow.” In the light of his submission, the Awami League general secretary Shamsul Haque was chosen for speaking on behalf of the views of 11 members, and I was chosen to speak the minds of 4 members on behalf of the state language action committee of Dhaka University. The meeting was concluded at 9.15 pm on 20 February.
The next day (21 February 1952), Shamsul Haque first spoke in favour of the first opinion (not violating section-144) at a huge students' gathering chaired by Gaziul Haque. Then, when I presented the second view (breaking section-144), the general students shouted in euphoria and joined the procession by adopting the decision of defying section-144. In this way, the journey of a successful language movement began on the basis of a united stand.
Following the observance of strike at different educational institutions on 21 February 1952, the students gathered before the Kalabhaban (Arts building) of Dhaka University after getting divided into small groups. The innumerable posters in support of the demand for Bangla language and for breaking section-144 written at different university hostels throughout the night were also visible in the hands of students at the Kalabhaban premise. Within ten-eleven in the morning, the old Kalabhaban compound was filled up with the students of different schools, colleges and the university. After that, the historic meeting started around twelve noon. Khandakar Golam Mostafa had written about that meeting in the compilation 'Ekushey February1:
"The students and people assembled at the Amtola with Gaziul Haque in the chair for taking a historic decision. They did not agree with the decision of the all-party committee. They decided to bring out a procession in accordance with the previous announcement. There was a strong police cordon in front of the university's main gate. At this juncture, Abdus Samad of All East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League put forward a compromise formula. He proposed that the students should come out in groups of ten. ...The students finally accepted this proposal".
Kabiruddin Ahmad had written in the compilation 'Ekushey February' about the situation in Dhaka city and the crucial meeting at Amtola ground of the university: 'The convener of the university state language committee Abdul Matin reviewed the past and present context of the problem and the critical situation emanating from imposition of section-144; he placed the responsibility of taking a final decision on breaking section-144 on the general students'.
In accordance with the decision, the students were divided into numerous groups of ten who advanced to the main gate of the university in a line. Then they started breaking section-144 by crossing the gate with the slogan 'Wanted state language Bangla' one group of ten after another. They had to face vigorous onslaughts of the police. The police resorted to a vicious baton-charge, threw tear gas and fired blank shots. They even entered the Kalabhaban compound to disperse the students. The students took refuge at places like the Kalabhaban and the library. Then they again came forward to break section-144 with renewed vigour. In this way, innumerable students were arrested. The first student leader to break section-144 was Abdul Jalil Sarkar.
The first group of students who broke section-144 were led by the student leader Habibur Rahman Shelley. The group of ten female students who violated section-144 included - Sufia Ibrahim, Shafia Khatun, Rawshan Ara, Halima Khatun, etc. They were arrested and dispersed after advancing some distance on the road in front of Dhaka Medical College. When a tear gas shell landed near the meeting of chairman Gaziul Haque on the Kalabhaban compound, he fainted. Zulmat Ali Khan and a few others took him on their arms and carried him to the first floor of the arts building. There, he was taken care of by the history professor Dr. Halim, the Awami League general secretary Shamsul Haque and others; after he regained his consciousness, Shamsul Haque embraced him and said, "We are also with this movement"
The moment the first group of ten students went out, a horde of policemen arrested them and put them inside a truck. In this way, numerous students were arrested and then taken to Lalbag police station on trucks. But despite so many arrests, when the police could not suppress the students, they resorted to firing tear gas along the road and on the university campus in order to disperse them. After repeated shelling of tear gas, many of the affected students jumped into the university pond to alleviate their pain. Many lay on the university compound after getting injured by the shells. The students then became even more furious due to the pain and excitement They continued to embrace arrests in a heroic style up to 2 pm by bringing out processions. Then they gradually assembled in front of the medical college hostel, the medical college and the engineering college gate.
Witness accounts of the firing on 21 February were published in the telegram of the daily Azad brought out that evening as well as in its 22 February issue. The first page carried the headline: 'Police firing on students' gathering at Dhaka Medical College Hostel compound' in big font letters; below it were sub-headings like: 'Four persons including three university students killed and 17 injured',' Sent to hospital, condition of 5 among the injured grave’, *62 arrested including school students', etc. The story published on 22 February is quoted below:
"An MA student of Dhaka University Mohammad Salauddin (26) was killed on the spot and many students and pedestrians were injured as a result of firing by police on students agitating with the demand for state language Bangla on the premises of Dhaka Medical College Hostel at 4 pm yesterday (Thursday) afternoon. Among the injured, 20 were admitted to the hospital. Among the injured, students of Dhaka University Abdul Jabbar (30), Abul Barkat (25) and the son of the proprietor of Badamtoli Commercial Press Rafiquddin Ahmed (27) expired after 8 pm. It has been gathered that the conditions of five among the injured were critical.... Many wounded and sick students were seen to be lying on the veranda of the No. 20 shed as well as in the hostel compound.
The apron-wearing nurses and ward boys of Dhaka Medical College brought the bullet-ridden body of a person and laid it down on the veranda of the college's middle-gate. The nurses and ward-boys brought down the corpse with stretcher from a vehicle to the veranda and shouted angry slogans demanding revenge; a terrible and tragic scene ensued there. Smoke was bellowing out even at that time from the skull of the bullet-ridden corpse, where the brain was coming out in
liquid form. Many of the students present at the site including Kazi Golam Mahbub, Syed Quamtuddin (Shahid) and others started to cry after failing to bear the sight. The ambulance swiftly went away to bring the injured ones after unloading Rafiquddin's bloody corpse. The name of Rafiquddin was erroneously published as Salauddin in the daily Azad.
When Abul Barkat, a student of MA second part in the political science department of Dhaka University, was hit by bullet, one of those who took him to the emergency department from the medical hostel compound was another violator of section-144 Shamsul Bari (Mian Mohan). The account he narrated to me about the situation at medical hostel and the shooting of Barkat was as follows:
"Many of us were hit and we entered through the barbed wire fence of the medical college hostel after feeling threatened due to the baton-charge and chase.
I saw Shafiqur Rahman before Salam Chowdhury's room in Barrack No. 20. At this juncture, the police surrounded the hostel gate; they started firing tear gas shells to disperse us. To protect ourselves from inflammation of the eye, we collected pots and pitchers and soaked our handkerchiefs by putting water into them. We and the boys and cooks piled up bricks on the veranda of the barrack so that the police could not enter. Shells were hitting the bamboo roof of the barrack; on the other hand some of us were throwing back the shells at the police before they exploded. They were rushing northwards as they did not have water; then they were returning very swiftly. This trend continued for 2-3 hours. By then, many students had arrived at the hostel premises; we were all caught in the fight of bullets and bricks. Nobody's eyes showed any fear - there were only hatred and fury, slogans of revenge and the demand for state language Bangla. We all were fighting in such a way that the police could not enter the hostel compound. They were repeatedly failing to break our resistance. I was resting on the veranda in the middle range of Barrack No. 20 by lighting a cigarette. Barkat came forward towards me, and I called him Abai. His abdomen was hit by bullet.
He wore a flying half-shirt of blue colour, a khaki trouser, and a Kabuli sandal on his feet. Shafiqur Rahman took his legs on his shoulder and I put his head on mine. We took a turn on the western side and ran with his long and well-built body. I was in great pains; his stomach was hanging out on the bottom-side and blood was dripping out of it. He asked for water from me. But there were no water or time, as they could seize his body; so we ran with all our might. 1 gave him my soaked handkerchief for the purpose of sucking. Barkat said, T am in terrible pain, I won't live, please reach the news to Bishnupriya Bhaban, Purana Paltan1. We unloaded him at the emergency ward. Some of those present cried out. One nurse shouted 'cowards' and asked us to go to the gate for taking revenge. When I turned around towards the gate, I saw a person bringing in a dead-body on a stretcher. His skull was hit; molten brain was trickling out on one side. Only the teeth were smiling, as if at us. ... I then remembered that I should convey the news to the Bishnupriya Bhaban. At that moment Rafiqul Islam - son of the railway doctor, arrived. I told him, the news must be carried to the Bishnupriya Bhaban by taking a cycle or by any means."
The list of 17 individuals grievously injured during the 21 February episode as published in the 22 February issue of the daily Azad were: 1. Anwar Eslam (24), SM Hall; 2. A R Fayaz (19), Jagannath College; 3. Sirajuddin Khan (22), Dhaka University; 4. Abdus Salam (27), peon of customs department; 5. M A Motaleb (14); 6. Elahi Bukhsh (40); 7. Munsur Ali (16); 8. Bashir Uddin Ahmed (16); 9. Ahjul Eslam (19); 10. Masudur Rahman (16); 11. Abdus Salam (22); 12.
Akhtaruzzaman; 13. A Razzak (17); 14. Mozammel Haque (23); 15. Sultan Ahmed (18); 16. A Rashid (14) and 17. Mohammad.
The official press note issued on the 21 February incidents acknowledged the deaths of 3 and injury of nine due to firing; it said, 'it could be gathered based on the news available to the government that today's unwanted incidents had taken place due to unlawful activities; a group of people were responsible for this, they had no linkage with the university or any other educational institute'.
The government started to wage a campaign through newspapers like the Morning News, Sangbad etc. terming the language movement activists as the enemies of the state, Indian agents, Hindus, etc. That over four people had died due to the firing on 21 February and they included a child could be known from the news item on the 21st published in the Azad on 23 February.
Intense rumours spread in the town on Thursday's incidents that more than 4 people had died, but their bodies were removed immediately after the episode. An inquiry about a similar rumour centring on a teenage boy revealed that the boy had died at Fuller Road between the medical college and the council, and his corpse was removed immediately. The bloody episode that took place on the Dhaka Medical College Hostel compound in the afternoon of 21 February 1952 for voicing the demand for state language Bangla was both unexpected and brutal. The students wanted to go to the then auditorium of Jagannath Hall, the venue of the legislative assembly of East Bengal, for raising their demands at the budget session; the manner in which their journey towards the assembly building was stopped through firing was barbaric. The news of this brutality spread like fire throughout the country including Dhaka city, and the reaction was fierce. The normal life of the people of East Bengal came to a halt The whole of East Bengal exploded in anger. The countrymen came down to the streets, the state language movement of students soon became a movement of all strata of people in East Bengal. The blood that spilled while placing the demand for Bangla language gave rise to the unflinching pathos and emotions felt by the people of East Bengal for Bangla language, literature and culture. Bangali Nationalism was born anew from the blood of Ekushey martyrs. Bangali nationalism was born for the first time during the first decade of the twentieth century through the anti-British Swadeshi (homeland) Movement centring on the Bangabhanga (division of Bengal); it became dormant due to the failure of the Noncooperation and Khelafat movements during the 1920s giving rise to communal frenzies, the result of which was the establishment of Pakistan based on the two-nation theory. A secular Bangali nationalistic spirit was bom through the bloody Twenty-first February of 1952, whose basis was Bangla language and culture. And its ultimate outcome was the liberation war of 1971. The Bangalis had trod a blood-drenched path from the Twenty-first February to Nineteen Seventy-one.
Translation: Dr. Helal Uddin Ahmed