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Zia Killing (last part)

Ershad biggest beneficiary

President Ziaur Rahman was assassinated by some army officers on May 30, 1981, in Chittagong. In the aftermath, over a dozen officers were either hanged through a stage-managed trial or just killed. Many freedom-fighter officers were forced into retirement. While the Zia killing trial is yet to begin, the conspiracy behind the assassination remains to be unearthed.

Shakhawat Liton
Then army chief General Ershad emerged as a champion of President Ziaur Rahman's rule with immense powers and exerted his authority to influence the then BNP-led government as well in his favour.
He became hyperactive and toured different cantonments after Zia's assassination. While addressing soldiers and officers there, Ershad lauded the slain president's role in the development of the army and the country.
During his visit to Bogra and Rangpur cantonments on June 11, 1981, he told soldiers and officers that
those who had killed "our favourite president" had not only tainted the army, but also the history of the nation.
In his view, the army officers who were involved in the assassination were "miscreants." And he congratu-
lated the soldiers who had eliminated the "miscreants."
Ershad did not say anything about the identities of the "miscreants" and his role in eliminating the "miscreants".
Some of the accused and witnesses in the General Manzur Murder case, however, in their depositions described how Gen Ershad was desperate to eliminate Manzur immediately after Zia's death. Ershad had put pressure on then acting President Justice Abdus Sattar to order the police to hand over Manzur to army custody after his arrest on June 1,1981. Ershad had also directed some of his close aides, including two brigadier generals in the Chittagong cantonment, to finish Manzur off anyhow. In line with Ershad's order, they murdered Gen Manzur on the night of June 1, 1981 inside Chittagong cantonment.
Manzur was murdered hurriedly as part of the plan to hide the conspiracy behind the assassination of Zia as Gen Manzur was aware of the conspiracy and he had wanted to make a statement before the court regarding the Zia murder. He had also asked the police to place him before a court.
Before Manzur's murder, two other army officers, who also knew many things about the conspiracy, were also killed. Of the two, one was Lt Col Motiur Rahman. Ershad himself had met Moti in Chittagong cantonment and had a one-to-one conversation him on May 26, 1981, just four days before Zia's assassination at Chittagong circuit house. Moti shot the president to death.
During his visits to different cantonments, then army chief Ershad had also repeatedly announced that those who were involved in the assassination of Zia would not be spared and must be punished.
He made it possible by conducting a farcical court of inquiry and court martial led by army officers who had been repatriated from Pakistan after the country's liberation war.
In the face of protests against the controversial court martial, Ershad in early September 1981 circulated a message to all cantonments, announcing that those who had been sentenced to death by court martial would be hanged.
Thirteen army officers, almost of all of whom were freedom fighters, were hanged in September 1981 accord-ingly-
During his visit to Savar cantonment on June 17, 1981, Ershad even told soldiers and officers that Khaleda Zia had congratulated those army men who had destroyed the "killers" of her husband. He also claimed that Khaleda Zia had sent her greetings and congratulatory message to the army.
Ershad favoured Khaleda after Zia's death. He allocated the cantonment house on 168 kathas of lands to Khaleda. Zia had lived in the house as the deputy chief of army staff and also as the country's president.
In addition, the then BNP-led government also allocated Khaleda another house of her choice in the posh Gulshan area on 32 kathas of
land.
Khaleda opted to reside in her cantonment house, which appeared as a blessing for Ershad and his men, who felt they had easily convinced Khaleda that Gen Manzur and his men had been behind the assassination ofZia.
Ershad and officers loyal to him even launched a campaign in the cantonments that Khaleda Zia had been pressing for a quick execution of the death sentences delivered by the court martial.
Khaleda Zia had, however, revealed the truth later to Major General Moinul Hossain Chowdhury, who was forcibly sent off to the Philippines in early 1982 as Bangladesh's ambassador there as part of Ershad's plan to eliminate freedom fighter officers from the army.
Before leaving country, Gen Moin, a veteran freedom fighter, met Khaleda. She told him that she now understood everything well.
She told Moin that Gen Manzur was not involved in the assassination of Zia. She had now understood the motives of those who had misled her by giving false information on the Zia killing.
But by that time Ershad had consolidated his position in the army and succeeded in exercising his influence
on the Sattar-led BNP government.
After Zia's assassination, he had repeatedly announced that he would remain loyal to the constitution and the country's democratic process.
But Ershad, who had wanted to grab power immediately after the president's assassination, had led the army to stand by acting President Sattar in the presidential election to fill the vacancy in the presidency. He even announced that there was no other political party which could replace the BNP. Ershad forced the BNP to pick Sattar as its presidential candidate.
Sattar, who had been repatriated from Pakistan after the country's liberation war, did not understand why the army was so keen to see him elected. But things became clearer after his election.
The army chief had openly demanded the army's share in power. Sattar had denied the army's demand, which had made the situation further complicated.
And finally Ershad seized power on March 24, 1982 by overthrowing the Sattar government. He took over as chief martial law administrator by declaring martial law.
He installed Justice Abul Fazal Mohammad Ahsanuddin Choudhury as president on T7 March 1982.
After he assumed power, he promised his colleagues, Holy Quran in hand, that he would never become involved in politics. He further promised that he would not assume the office of President.
But he ignored his own promises. He was not satisfied with the power and office he already held. He forced President Ahsanuddin to resign on December 11, 1983 and himself assumed the office of president the same day in addition to keeping the position of CM LA.
Ershad also went back on his promise not to get involved in politics. He formed the Jatiya Party by using state facilities. He ruled the country for around nine years until he was forced to resign in December 1990.
His rise in the Bangladesh army was also much interesting.
He was promoted to the rank of major in the Pakistan army in 1965, thirteen years after he had joined the army. He joined Bangladesh army in 1973. He was a Lt. Col when he was repatriated from Pakistan after the country's liberation war.
He, however, managed to get three promotions very quickly and become a major general, which was unusual in a peacetime government.
Ershad also held the post of adju-
tant general of Bangladesh army during Bangabandhu's government and was sent to India for military training in 1975.
During his stay in India, he managed support from then President Mustaque Ahmed, who seized the presidency following the August 15, 1975 bloody changeover and the perpetrators who made the changeover to become the deputy chief of staff of the army.
When General Zia was in power, Ershad was chief advisor of the Muktijoddha Sangsad.
Ershad was chief coordinator of the coordination cell established by the Zia government to fight corruption.
Zia made Ershad the chief of staff on April 29, 1977, promoting him to the rank of Lt. Gen.
And Zia's death finally opened the window for Ershad to commandeer the state within less then 10 years of his return from Pakistan. #
|The report has been prepared on the depositions of the witnesses and accused in the Gen Manzur murder case, books " Democracy and Challenges" by Moudud Ahmed, "Silent Witness of a General" by Major General Moinul Hossain Chowdhury and "Zia and Manzur Murder and the Aftermath" by ASM Shamsul Arefin.]