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Problem within for Hefajat

Some leaders admit AL could successfully contain its movement

Rashidul Hasan
The government has apparently managed to hush Hefajat-e Islam, which only a year ago literally declared war against the Hasina administration for "backing atheist bloggers" of Gonojagoron Mancha.
The Qawmi madrasa-based organisation last month even announced that it has no enmity with the Awami League, Chhatra League or Jubo League. This change in attitude, according to Hefajat insiders, owes much to various advantages offered by the government.
Besides, the Hefajat's taking a new stance coincides with the split of Gonojagoron Mancha, a youth platform formed to lead the Shahbagh movement in February last year.
Hefajat-e Islam was not on the scene when the movement began on February 5 last year after notorious war criminal Quader Mollah being sentenced to life imprisonment walked out of court, flashing a V-sign.
But it took centre stage as a force opposed to Gonojagoron Mancha after the February 15 brutal murder of Ahmed Rajib Haider, a blogger branded an atheist.
In the wake of recent tensions between the Mancha and pro-Awami League groups, many including Shahbagh activists are now under the impression that the government has withdrawn support from the Mancha to appease the Islamist group. While talking to The Daily Star yesterday, a number of Hefajat leaders in Dhaka admitted that they believe the Hefajat has become "bankrupt" by receiving undue benefits from the Awami League government.
"We have come to know that some top leaders, including Anas Madani, elder son of Hefajat Ameer Shah Ahmed Shafi, Organising Secretary Azizul Haq and Joint Secretary General Moinuddin Ruhee joined hands with the Hasina government after getting undue advantages," said a Hefajat leader who is also a central leader of Bangladesh Khelafat Andolon.
He noted the government had recently completed all formalities regarding a leasing out of 33 acres of railway land to Hefajat.
Wishing anonymity, another Hefajat leader said he has come to know that those leaders even received money from the government as part of an understanding not to act against the administration.
In the last one year, Hefajat also failed to come up with any details in support of their claim that several thousand men were killed by law enforcers during the drive at Motijheel Shapla Chattar on May 5 night last year.
"Due to the opposition of a section of top Hefajat leaders, including those three, we could not launch any major protest programme regarding the May 5 crackdown," admitted a Hefajat leader.
"They [top Hefajat leaders) have told us that as the government is not supporting Gonojagoron Mancha, we should not talk against the administration."
Anas Madani and Moinuddin Ruhi could not be contacted as their mobile phones were found switched off.
Asked about receiving favours from the government, Hefajat spokesperson and Literature Secretary Ashraf Ali Nizampur said they were given the lease of the railway land years back, even before the formation of Hefajat in 2010.
He also denied any "understanding" with the government.
On the recent visits of government high-ups, including a minister elected from Chittagong, deputy commissioner of Chittagong and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's military secretary to the Hathazari madrasa of Shah Ahmed Shafi, Ashraf said they had come to seek the blessings of the Hefajat ameer.
Asked about Hefajat's claim of the killing of thousands of their leaders and activists, the Hefajat spokesperson said a four-member probe committee led by Hefajat central organising secretary Azizul Haq was working on this.
But, he said, he was not aware of the committee's findings.
Meanwhile, Hefajat's "understanding" with the government has frustrated BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia and other top leaders of 19-party opposition alliance, sources said. In a meeting with the chiefs of the alliance components on April 17, Khaleda criticised Shafi for his low voice against the government.
Sources said the alliance wanted to wage an anti-government movement by using Hefajat to manipulate people's religious sentiments.