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One-sided election: What's next?

As of tomorrow, efforts should be directed towards minimising the fallout and acting promptly. That means, as acknowledged by the prime minister herself, negotiations and a new election. To do so, a clear roadmap must be laid out in earnest. Only that can lessen the damage already inflicted.

ALI RIAZ
AN election will be held today, in which more than half of the electorate won't have to cast their ballots, where competition will essentially be limited to the partners of the ruling coalition, and many people will be afraid to venture out of their homes to vote for fear of attack. After months of street agitation, loss of hundreds of innocent lives, and amidst calls of the opposition to boycott it, an election will be held.
What will the country achieve by it? Will the election bring an end to political instability and uncertainty? Will it ensure citizens a peaceful tomorrow and beyond? Will it enhance the country's standing in the global community? Will it strengthen any of the democratic institutions? If the events of recent
months are any indication, the answer is indisputably and regrettably negative. If the history of the country is our guide, the question still can't be answered positively. However, the ruling party and the prime minister will be able to claim that constitutional continuity has been maintained, and that they have made good their promise that the election will be held under the incumbent prime minister and the ruling party.
In any democratic system of governance, elections are meant to be the means to express the popular will and to select representatives through a free, fair and competitive process. It is no longer sufficient, as it was in the 1970s and 1980s, to conduct an election in order to be considered a democracy. Experiences of countries worldwide in the past three decades have taught analysts, policy-makers and the international community that it is necessary to transcend the 'fallacy of electoralism,' i.e. to view elections as the only criterion for determining whether or not a democracy exists. The quality of the election is as much a consideration as other aspects, such as pluralism, free press, safety of political activists, freedom of expression, and accountability, to name but a few. It is no exaggeration to affirm that these indices will be taken into account in the framing of future bilateral and multilateral relationships.
It is well known that a country's people are the ultimate source of political legitimacy. This election,
which has disenfranchised more than half of the electorate, will have failed to gain the required political legitimacy which only an inclusive process can confer. It will be viewed by many as devoid of moral legitimacy, although it may well be legally and constitutionally legitimate. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's offer to hold the 11th Parliamentary election through negotiations with the opposition a short time after the January 5, 2014, election is an admission that this election (of the 10th Parliament) will achieve very little.
This election will complicate Bangladesh's relationship with the international community. The decision to ignore advice on resolving the crisis proffered by the international community was not a prudent move. The resulting diminished global standing of Bangladesh will damage the country's legitimate claims. Pursuance of an isolationist policy is not in the best interest of Bangladesh, neither can it depend on one country to mediate its foreign relations.
In the event of a strained relationship with development and business partners, the economy is likely to suffer, indications are already palpable. It is well to bear in mind that Bangladesh's major trading partners - the EU, the USA, Canada, Japan and China - repeatedly called for a negotiated settlement of the crisis and that these calls fell on deaf ears. The continued political instability will hamper investments and ongoing businesses. Bangladesh is no longer dependent on foreign assistance. Thanks to the vitality of the private sector and the hardworking labourers of the country, the structure of Bangladeshi economy has changed in the past decades. But, it is inextricably integrated with the global economy. The size of the economy has grown and with it grew the reliance on global market. To assume that it will be a 'business as usual' scenario after a flawed election is unrealistic.
However, if this new parliament is utilised as a transition vehicle to pave the way for a more inclusive election, it might help end the ongoing political instability and potential violence. On the contrary, if the parliament is used to govern the country, the situation may deteriorate further. The first step to resolve the crisis is to allow the opposition party the space to express itself in a peaceful manner. Continued persecution
of the main opposition party, a much discredited tactic, is not only unwise but also counter-productive - a lesson the government must learn from the history of the country. Political differences cannot be resolved through force. In similar vein, the opposition should play its part in ensuring continuation of constitutional politics and refrain from engaging in wanton violence as a tactic. BNP should revisit its alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), which had acted against the liberation of the country in 1971 and its leaders never apologised for the crimes committed.
As of tomorrow, efforts should be directed towards minimising the fallout and acting promptly. That means, as acknowledged by the prime minister herself, negotiations and a new election. To do so, a clear roadmap must be.laid. out. in. earnest.. .Only. that. can. lessen, the.damage already inflicted.