& çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð

Hardline + hardline = man-made catastrophe

MOAZZEM HOSSAIN
Moazzem Hossain
IN a democracy, holding of a fair general election is one of the major yardsticks of its success. The election outcomes of the 8"' and 9'1' Parliaments had given both BNP and AL-led alliances, by turn, resounding victory with two-thirds majority in 2001 and 2009, respectively.
Politically, these electoral successes have made both the alliances controversial, particularly for failing to ensure good governance. For example, economic mismanagement, rampant corruption and deteriorating law and order have become embroiled in the public machineries.
Regrettably, during the 8th and 9th Parliaments, a record number of sitting days were lost through boycott of the House by the opposition lawmakers. Indeed, this behaviour of the opposition in the House over time is unprecedented in the history of parliamentary democracy. The last ten years (plus two years of non-political regime) have been a lost decade for Bangladesh insofar as establishing a meaningful democracy is concerned.
Linder this circumstance, like multi-party politics, all other actors of democracy have also suffered hugely over the last twelve years. For example, integrity and independence of all the apparatus of governance have virtually collapsed, to say the least. It is unfortunate that, with very strong mandates in 2001 and 2009, both the alliances missed the boat, and it would not be wrong to say a generation of voters has been betrayed by them. Having said that, one would like to ask, what is in store for the future? Unfortunately, things are not looking good and it seems that the country is in for a period of unrest before the next election.
History repeats itself. The opposition is following being hardline under the guise of offer and counter-offer for election time government, and the government is already hardline on the question of the PM remaining as the chief of the all-party-government. What does this mean? Hardline plus hardline equals man-made catastrophe.
Is there any way out from this stalemate? Numerous commentaries, articles and proposals are being posted in the print media and are talked about in the talk shows. Unfortunately, no one has been listening, and is also unlikely to be listened to in the future.
Now, it looks like a showdown on the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong and other parts of the country between the forces of 18 and 14-party alliances is imminent. The confrontation will begin on a limited scale first, gradually
becoming bloody close to the election. This is exactly what has happened over the last 23 years. In the process, scores of ordinary followers of both sides and the police will suffer bodily harm, and thousands will land in the jail without charge. At the same time, the citizens will be trapped in the middle of anarchy. This is what we have been witnessing over and over again during election year. According to some media analysts, the election time calamity might even take a very nasty turn this time. Some commentators are of the view that both our leaders and top brasses have been witnessing all these from the comfort zone of the capital. This repetitive violence, unleashed for political supremacy, has no end.
It is also not difficult to predict the outcome of such an impasse immediately after the election. If the opposition wins there may be repeat of violence like what we saw in 2001. If the incumbent wins, the opposition will not accept the results and continue the shutdown, bringing the nation to its knees for the next five years.
Frankly, the nation wants a break from this cycle of violence in our political arena. How to break this cycle? Our leaders need to bite the bullet. The nation needs a new crop of young leaders with dynamism to govern in the modern era. It is time now our three leaders think seriously of transferring the batons to their successors.
The creation of political families is not new in the subcontinent, and Bangladesh is not an exception. It looks like this is a strong card which the BNP would like to play after or before the election. If it happens, there is no reason why the AL or the JP will lag behind. According to many, this is the only way the present cycle in politics can be broken for the better. Certainly, this approach will have the capacity to give a good shake-up since the new and young leaders will bring innovation in politics. Once new generation politicians are in place, the existing godfathers (they are generally people who have no serious allegiance to a party/alliance) can be removed.
Our leaders are of the view that if more people raise their hands at public meetings, it is a sign of strength of their respective parties. Unfortunately, in the majority of cases this is not true. Most of the people with money and might get the nod from the leaders to contest elections, particularly at local levels. We are in the 21“ century and the time has come to introduce innovative politics. Bangladesh cannot remain a backward nation anymore. The writer is an occasional contributor to The Dally Star.
E-mail: m.hossainbhuyia@gmail.com