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Fundamental issues beyond personal grievance

Shahid Alam goes through a politician's story
TV "TOTES from a Prison I Bangladesh is a disturbing -a. V book, written by a deeply aggrieved man. As things stand, Bangladesh is a deeply divided nation over a few serious, and some maddeningly asinine, issues (or, rather, non-issues), and the chasm seems to be getting wider and deeper. For the country's sake, one can only hope that sanity will return, and the ominous fissure will shrink before the possibility of a bloody internecine strife becomes a reality. And, lest one forgets, that very rift was a key factor in facilitating the kind of regime that prompted Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir to spill his guts out in print over the treatment he received at its hands. Notes from a Prison Bangladesh is a litany of complaints, often vitriolic, written in a no-holds-barred style, of an outraged person, that is true, but it is also a book that compels one to think about political legitimacy, constitutionality, and undesirable aberrations in the practice of liberal democracy.
Alamgir, alluding to the proclamation of emergency on January 11, 2007, points out that it “was unconstitutional inasmuch as such a proclamation in accordance with Article 141 (a) 2 of the Constitution could be made only on the recommendation of the Prime Minister." It ushered in a system run by “the will of a few men with power flowing through the barrels of their guns and trumpeted by their 11 show-boys.” Actually, there were more show boys (a term coined, according to the author, by Barrister Nazmul Huda) and women than that fixed number, who went in and came out of a revolving door at different intervals. In fact, the debasement of the political process started before January 11, when the constitutionally-ordained dubious institution called the caretaker government made a mockery of itself with the President and a gaggle of advisors making merry with their buffoonery. Alamgir, along with many others, fell victim to the antics that eventually led to the proclamation of the emergency, and all its subsequent negative ramifications for the country's political direction, and the state of its economy, among other issues.
One of Alamgir's incarcerated fellow-politicians, although from the other side of the political divide, pinpointed former British High Commissioner Anwar Chowdhury, with support from US Ambassador Patricia Butenis, as the mastermind behind the army-controlled government. In this context, it would not be out of place to record the views of the International Crisis Group, a non-governmental organization made up of prominent figures from the fields of politics, diplomacy, business, and the media: "A reformed, secular Awami League and BNP that respect the democratic rules of the road both internally and externally are the best hope for democracy in Bangladesh and the best defense against religious extremism. The longer the parties resist this reality, the longer the military will continue to justify its role in politics” (Restoring Democracy in Bangladesh, Asia Report No. 151, 28 April 2008). A significant aspect of the Group is that several of its trustees, council members, and senior advisors were influential political figures and diplomats of their respective countries, and whose views still carry clout in important circles of powerful countries.
Alamgir provides a detailed rep- resentation of events leading up to his incarceration, various aspects of his imprisonment, the legal proceedings involved in an emergency situation to brand him as a corrupt person, sentencing, his many privations, and, ultimately, grantingofhis bail and release from prison. Much of this account, dealing with legal matters, is heavy reading, but it is interspersed with engaging chronicles of his personal, professional, and political life in Bangladesh and abroad. Alamgir was an educator (a
teacher in the Economics department of Dhaka University), a high bureaucrat (as a member of the Civil Service of Pakistan), a legislator, and a State Minister in charge of the Ministry of Planning in the 1996-2001 government of Sheikh Hasina. He is obviously very close to his family, none more so than his parents (the anecdotes of his mother's silent sacrifice to maintain a family not too well off, and his father's repayment of debt to society are particularly poignant and instruc-tive), and wife and children, but is also strongly attached to his brothers and sisters. In fact, throughout his ordeal, he singles out his elder brother, Dr. Burhanuddin Khan Alamgir, for constantly being at his side, sustaining and comforting him.
The author identifies the instrument used to arrest him, and then comments on it: "...we had been arrested under R-16(2) of the Emergency Power Rules. This Rule empowered the police and the security forces to arrest anyone, including former Ministers and possibly even the President of the Republic on suspicion of being involved in commission of some unspecified crimes. Once so arrested, the arrestee could not even apply for being posted on bail. The draconian provision was about the worst possible violation of human rights written into our Constitution” (emphasis added). And, in summing up the judicial procedure used in prosecuting him: "The Public Prosecutor spewed out from a heart of darkness. The darkness was around a cesspool of make-believe spitting of the falsehood otherwise inspired by the Special Court itself.”
Alamgir spares none who were involved in his persecution. Some would find that he vilifies any and all who were even remotely involved in his discomfiture while sparing those who empathized with him, even though at least a few of them had dubious reputations. To reiterate, the caretaker administration is at the receiving end of some colourful vituperative. Chief Advisor Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed comes in for some special treatment (“Fakhruddin is echoing a low and guttural moan of the World Bank where he worked the better part of
his life”). And, he and his advisors are “upfront showboys of demons destroying democracy in the country”, and the Chairman of the ACC and other high officials, “elements of monstrosities created by showboys elevated to celebrated and responsible positions."
There are tiresome, and. unnecessary, repetitions of the same information spread across several chapters, and some words are spelt incorrectly or misapplied too often for them to be regarded as typographical errors. “Jig(s)” should have given way to “gadget(s)”, and “strutted" to “stuttered", or “started". Nonetheless, Alamgir has some worthwhile suggestions on bringing about overdue prison reforms, which should be seriously considered by the government of die day.
William Shakespeare, to me. has captured the length and breadth of human character and mental makeup like no other. “Misery loves company", he said, and Alamgir's account of the sharing of his piteous jailhouse experience with Awami League and BNP stalwarts in jail could not illustrate the saying better. Along with Salman Rahman of Awami League, Mufti Shahidul Islam of BNP come across as the most helpful and compassionate characters during his incarceration in Kashimpur Jail. If only such camaraderie and unity could be replicated outside the prison walls, and a healthy political culture manifested, there would be no need, or occasion, for such aberrations as the caretaker system, backdoor aspirants to power, and protracted emergency!
Dr. Shahid Alam is Head, Media and Communications Department, Independent University Bangladesh (IUB).