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The alleged madrasa-terrorism linkage

From newspaper reports it would appear that the madrasas have not been the primary source of the so-called religious terrorists. In fact, a large number of apprehended terrorists were found to have background of general education and came from financially solvent families.

MUHAMMAD NURUL HUDA
THE alleged links of madrasas with terrorism received greater media attention when the prime minister met a team of religious leaders that reportedly apprised her of their grievances vis-a-vis some comments on the activities of qaumi madrasas The allegation, undoubtedly, is very serious and the reaction has been very sharp.
Under our socio-political circumstances, it is difficult to take a dispassionate look at such a matter because some such efforts have, in the past, been dubbed as motivated. Somehow our tolerance threshold has been lamentably low. However, that should not mean that we have to desist front making enquiry into or studying the dimension of so-called religious extremism and depend upon what academics and security experts abroad have to say.
From newspaper reports it would appear that the madrasas have not been the primary source of the so-called religious terrorists. In fact, a large number of apprehended terrorists were found to have background of general education and came from financially solvent families.
While incidents of unauthorised firearms haul and seizure of inciting literature from some madrasas should alert all concerned, one should avoid wholesale branding of such religious institutions. One has to bear in mind that the establishment of madrasas by the wealthy ones is still considered an act of piety. There is a danger of hurting the sentimertts of many if madrasas arc alleged to be fomenting the so-called religious extremism.
Madrasas were established in many places but tire necessity of keeping an account of such institutions was never warranted, not to speak of monitoring their activities or putting them under surveillance. The question is, has the situation altered significantly to demand a fresh look?
We were not so conspicuously religious in pre-1971 times under Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Many of us have not realised that in post-1975 Bangladesh, particularly during the last 30 years, there has been a phenomenal growth of madrasas. At the same time, many apparently religious institutions have been built by organisations/groups about whose credentials not much is known.
Was moral rearmament or spiritual renaissance the predominant factor behind unusual growth of religious institutions? However, doubts creep in as we do not see any corresponding rise in public or private morality. So, the suspicion is that while the establishment, the civil society and other activists have remained in the dark about the designs and programs of the obscuran- list elements, the so-called religious extremists have grown in strength and spread their tentacles taking advantage of the ignorance and inertia.
There is a view that the military power of the west Is the key to its perceived arrogance. The radical opinions argue that if power is the way In for the west, power Is the way out for Muslims. The focus is on the use of power in pursuit of policy. Some sections of the public have been converted to this approach. Incidentally, the liberal current of opinion has been significantly delegitimised in the process.
The heart of the problem is unresolved conflicts and the increasing cynicism. The requirement is a policy on conflict and support to the agenda for democracy. The goal should be denial of space for radicalised militancy. The religious extremists shall not be allowed to develop vital stakes in the political system for starting a radical movement in the long run.
There is a fear that will) the large increase of madrasas there is a new generation of men being inculcated with misogynist values that have reinforced negative perceptions of women.
We may have to admit that in Bangladesh advocates of a radical path appear more determined than liberals or secularists. Secular forces hardly work with intense dedication, much less with a sense of mission. There is a threat in the attempts to redefine Bangladeshi statehood in religious colours. Initially, there was constitutional faith in state secularism as the defining credo of Bangladeshi nationhood.
We have to remember that in Bangladesh gross poverty co-exists with democracy, a liberal constitution and disorder with functioning polity. However, religious and traditional beliefs are far more tenacious than the liberals imagine and the state, at times, has
been Involved directly in the business of defining religion.
It is also a reality that secularism as state ideology is unable to compete with a language saturated with religion. The compulsions of the traditional obligations of the ruler to protect state religion have to be kept in view.
There is a need to reassert the innate pluralism of our politics. This is significant because the liberal front faces an uphill task In recapturing the political as well as the psychological ground already lost to the so-called extremist quarter. That quarter is preparing for aggressive social mobilisation with plans to embark upon politics of confrontation with a view to deriving political capital.
We need to be clear and definite about the threat perception. The adversary has an emotional and religiously sensitive alignment with the ordinary people. The activists of religious institutions should be placed u nder very discreet observation.
The mission and strategy of our crimefighting and intelligence organisations has to be stable at least insofar as the domestic threat scenario is concerned. It must not change with the change of political power. The madrasa stream of education should come under greater governmental control for inculcation of democratic values and also enshrine the true values of religion.
We need a system that puts employment generation at the centre of our policy agendas. The deprived majority has to get an investment stake and price regime that empower them to get more gains from their labours and improved productivity. We need an inclusive policy agenda where the stake of the deprived classes has to be institutionalised by law rather than by the whims of our policymakers.
Muhammad Nurul Huda is a columnist for The Daily Star.