& çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð

Stamping out terrorism

Muhammad Nurul Huda
SHAIKH Hasina has emphasised the urgency of stamping out terrorism, and has reportedly instructed the Home Ministry to take immediate steps in that direction. The government also intends to launch fresh investigation into the terrorist activities perpetrated during 2001-2006, and identify the masterminds and their national and international links.
We need to be clear about the threat perception. This is crucial because one cannot possibly treat a disease by denying its existence. So, if one has to venture into meaningful specifics one has to refer to our constitution, because it is the supreme law of the Republic. Article 11 says: "The Republic shall be a democracy in which fundamental rights and freedoms and respect for the dignity and worth of the human person shall be guaranteed."
The above position pitted against the programme of the extremists leaves no room for ambiguity. Field-level operatives, both in uniform and plainclothes, must have clear directives and plan of action for preventing violent subversive actions.
The enforcement apparatus should separate an act of violence from its politico-social context and thus criminalise a certain mode of political expression. This line of action would be appropriate because there is a need to reject the religious extremists' right to legitimise violence as part of a larger social movement.
The jihadists must not be bracketed with political dissenters, although such differentiation is difficult from an enforcement point of view. Enforcement of laws for dealing with religious extremists should distinguish them from constitutionally oriented political elements.
In order to apprehend and punish the extremists, the definition of terrorism should be expanded to an act of association with an extremist group. The authorities should make a list of "proscribed organisations” to which membership, funding or support within the territory of
Bangladesh shall be banned. There must be a list of acts that would constitute support to a "banned organisation.”
The process of identifying an extremist should be discreet and transparent. However, those who use violence to propagate their ideology cannot be treated as political dissidents even though the roots are socio-political.
The government should attach greater importance to proscription and should designate the extremist organisation, to sap its material base, stop routes of material replenishment and seize its assets.
The attack on poet Shamsur Rahman, the planting of extremely high-powered bombs at a meeting place and helipad in Kotalipara, the discovery of bomb making materials in Sonar Bangla Soap Factory owned by Mufti Hannan (now in custody), the attacks on a Communist Party meeting and at the Bengali New Year cultural function at Ramna Park, were evidence of the growing mischief making potential of the extremist groups.
There was information about some charitable and voluntary bodies which were receiving funds from abroad for activities that could not be satisfactorily explained. That some such bodies were asked to close their activities in Bangladesh, and that the expatriates working in those organisations had left, is testimony to their association with Bangladeshi elements believing in unconstitutional ways of achieving their socio-political objectives.
Whether extremist elements have flourished due to the support of the cstab-lishment may be a matter for investigation, but the reality is that they have not been under surveillance. The attacks on the state apparatus were adequate proof of the growth of terrorist organisations.
Maybe a perception has developed among the terrorist groups that Bangladesh is incapable of meeting their challenge. We have to ascertain if any parties have developed a vested interest in a soft state, a weak government and ineffective implementation of the laws. Simultaneously, are foreign funds flowing
to organisations that serve, willingly or unwillingly, the long term objective of some political parties suspected to be aligned or sympathetic to the regional or international terror network?
Since terrorism of the so-called Islamic extremists has increased, thereby demanding changes in the strategy to counter it, are we ready to seriously study the problem? We do not see any attempts to examine links between terrorist groups, the conditions in which they had spawned, the politician-militant nexus, the kind of patronage they receive, etc. The question is, are we trying to appreciate all the factors that contribute to the “quality and extent” of internal security threats? Another question is whether our failure to deal with terrorism is attributable to the inefficiency and corruption of the law enforcing machinery.
What kept the state apparatus in a deep slumber while the bigots carried on virtually undisturbed? There is a suspicion that there never was a dispassionate appreciation of the real threat scenario. Was there no effort to pinpoint the threats posed to our democratic polity and our independent national existence?These questions should bother us because patriotic citizens of Bangladesh must know what the answers are.
The pernicious culture of playing to the tune of unscrupulous political masters or pandering to their unholy wishes by the state investigating agencies has not occurred all on a sudden. Spells of unconstitutional rule, particularly during 198290, have substantially damaged the ethos of our public service, including the investigating agencies. While leadership deficits account for some malfeasance, the real damage was done by an insensitive and myopic dictatorial establishment that was hell-bent on screwing all regula-
tory and corrective institutions. The unwholesome effect of such institutionbashing is now being felt by a concerned citizenry.
Extremism of the fundamentalist variety can be countered by a joint strategy of persuasion and tough action, with political direction being conspicuously pronounced. Political sagacity and patience are needed to fight the long battle against extremist depredations. If it is a political battle with armed support, and not the other way, we will definitely overcome the present predicament sooner than expected.
One would not be far from reality in saying that Bangladesh polity is being challenged by extremist groups that profess a philosophy of life and of government that is inimical to the beliefs and life style of the mainstream. We are now facing an adversary who is armed enough to commit widespread violence.
Democracy has to allow the interaction of different shades of opinion or divergent views to ensure the vibrancy of a pluralist society. However, that does not mean that there will be freedom to convert the entire country into a theocratic dispensation by application of force and intimidation and, the litigant public has to approach the clerics for resolution of disputes and judgment, as demanded.
There is a challenge to our way of life. This must be understood by the mainstream political parties, which are pledgebound to uphold, protect and preserve our constitution. Therefore, the visible enemy must be caught by the forelock and be dealt with under the law. A sovereign Republic, born out of a historic struggle entailing epic human sacrifices, demands that. We must not fail.
Muhammad Nunr) Huda is a columnist for The Daiy Star.
***Extremism of the fundamentalist variety can be countered by a joint strategy of persuasion and tough action, with political direction being conspicuously pronounced. Political sagacity and patience are needed to fight the long battle against extremist depredations. If it is a political battle with armed support, and not the other way, we will definitely overcome the present predicament sooner than expected.***