UNCERTAINTY has loomed over the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh for nearly two years. International observation groups were initially unsure if the December 18 elections, rescheduled for December 29, would be held in 2008. Regardless, a large number of international observers are being deployed throughout the country, their spirits bolstered by increasing signs that there will be no more delays to the polling date.

It is this very uncertainty which makes Bangladesh a compelling case study for the international community. One of the more unique features in Bangladesh politics is the caretaker government (CTG) system.

The CTG system was introduced in 1996 by an amendment to the constitution, and had the agreement of all key political parties. The CTG provisions stipulate that an interim non-party government is to facilitate the transition of power by preparing the country for elections. New elections must be held within 90 days. Meanwhile, the CTG is to carry on the routine functions of government, although it is supposed to refrain from making policy decisions.

In 2006, (he CTG was activated for the fourth time, with President Prof. lajuddin Ahmed assuming the position of chief advisor. This was followed by a period of civil unrest, leading to the proclamation of emergency on January 11, 2007.

lajuddin resigned, paving the way for Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, who soon appointed ten advisors to look after the 34 ministries.

Bangladesh stands out as the only country in Asia that practices a constitutionally established CTG. Foreigners might regard the concept of a CTG as an undemocratic and unusual practice, as the advisors of the CTG are not appointed by or accountable to the people.

Voters seem to have another take on the CTG. Preliminary findings from our organisation, The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) indicates that people support the CTG system as it helps to ensure a safe environment and, thus, free and fair elections. However, our preliminary findings also indicate that the current CTG has been in existence for too long and should be replaced by a democratically elected government as soon as possible.

Concerns with the CTG are in part also due to its army backing. In view of the suspension of constitutional rights, some worry that the army may have some influence on the election and institutions in

Bangladesh.

Credibility at stake

While some may question the legitimacy of the CTG, there had been significant steps taken by the government to improve the integrity of the elections and contribute towards the return to democracy.

For instance, the new photographic voter list system is drawing keen interest from foreign observers who want to gauge its effectiveness in stamping out voter impersonation and multiple voting. Bangladesh is the only country in South Asia and the second country in Asia, after Philippines, to have such a system.

Foreign observers will also be looking for any political violence during the election period. It has been almost two years since any major act of political violence took place in Bangladesh, and the continuity of this violence-free atmosphere is crucial for a free and democratic process. Hopefully, the two major political parties will familiarise themselves with nonviolent political rivalry.

Refraining from political violence will

be even more crucial when campaigning begins, followed by the expected lifting of Emergency. Democracy can only be allowed to flourish if people and candidates are allowed to express their views freely without fear of violence or threats.

Although the necessary laws are in place to discourage political violence, the Election Commission (EC) can still take precautionary'steps, such as requiring participating parties to sign a pledge of non-violence. This is not a new practice in Asia. In the December 2006 gover- J nor and mayoral elections of Aceh, Indonesia, all major party leaders were compelled to swear in a mosque that violence would not be used during the election period.

Another step the Bangladesh authorities and the EC could take to avoid clashes is to keep political parties apart during their campaign activities. For example, permission for the use of popular venues to hold rallies can be rotated between contesting candidates. This practice is common in Indonesia and Thailand.

To its credit, the CTG has put in a significant amount of effort to ensure a credible election. Now it is up to all the stakeholders to ensure a significant reduction in polling irregularities and violence. This will allow the Bangladeshi people to play a meaningful role in shaping the country’s future through the ballot box.

Somsn Han-anuntasuk is executive director of the Bangkokbased Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL)