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Concern for credible election

Muhammad Nurul Huda
THE next general election stated for 18th December 2008 will be different from others held since at least 1971. While there may be worries that democratic elections will be taking place under restrictive arrangements, there is definitely greater concern as to whether our hard-earned freedom’s foundation will stay7. Such concern assumes significance on account of woddwide economic crisis, political unrest, constitutional erosion, and moral degradation in public life. We may take comfort in the fact that the unrest is worldwide but it would be unwise to deny or ignore that we have a sizable problem at hand
The resilience of democratic polity varies from place to place and the timing of political breakdown depends upon the strength ofpolitical institutions. Our political institutions have not, unfortunately, acquired sufficient durability through either experience or tradition. This is a sad reality with which we have to grapple. We have an economy that cannot meet the rising expectations of the people along with fragile institutions and a constitution that is bent by the whims of the rulingparty.
The informed public know that a reasonably peacefill and fair election depends largely on the goodwill of the general population, strengthened and encouraged by the mainstream political parties being supplemented by the enforcement arrangements of an over stretched administration. This, however, does not detract from the urgent need of strict enforcement of electoral laws for empowering the election commission with a view to conductingafair election.
Most elections in independent Bangladesh have experienced various kinds of malpractices. The worrying part, however, is that over the years the nature and intensity of the irregularities and illegalities have assumed such a fearful dimension that there are justifiable premonitions about the holding of an acceptable and credible national poll. Admittedly, there are causes for concern as the viability of a democratic polity affecting die quality of life of die citizens across our political divide is at stake.
Looking back one may find that small level forgery, forcible closure of voting through muscle fleeing by bullies of the party, voting by impersonation in some constituencies were resorted to by a section of the political party, particularly in the sensitive or remote areas of the country. By and large these did not attract serious attention as it most often did not significantly affect the national polls. The situation, however, changed ominously as extraconstitutional rule descended on the body politic and the period between 1982 to 1988 saw some of the worst electoral malpractices that were legally punishable and morally reprehensible, to say the least Sadly for the nation, the public services of the country that included subordinate magistracy and the enforcement apparatus, amongst others, played a pathetically energized and ignominious role in the shameful stage managed election at the behest of a malevolent autocrat. Expressions like 'Media Coup' became known for the first time in our part of the world where despite the economic adversity the general population and the election managers could be proud of tolerably healthy electoral practices.
All public servants entrusted with election duties come under the control and supervision of the Election Commission during a fixed period. That is the official position. However, posting of loyal and pliable officials in key positions by the party government prior to relinquishing power to the caretaker government did create administrative complications. In 2001, thirteen Secretaries to the government were transferred on the very first day the caretaker chief assumed charge of office. Later on, there was large-scale transfer of Deputy Commissioners and Superintendents ofPolice of districts along with whole -sale transfer of all officers-in-charge of the police stations of the country. Whether such massive exercise, entailing huge expenditure of the public exchequer was in the real interests of impartial conduction of national election, has not been estab-lishedbeyond doubt
A particular political party complain Al in 2001 that officials hostile to them were deliberately posted to key positions and that such officials acted in a very partisan manner during the election. Many such officials were allegedly rewarded with prize post- ings after election. Whatever be the merits of such officials, the allegations of the particular political party could not be brushed aside under the circumstances.
The key question, however, is the criteria of selecting and posting an impartial pubic official during election time. Officially, all public servants are regulation-bound to act in a neutral and non-partisan manner. The ground reality, however, is that officials appointed and posted by a particular party government are not considered trustworthy by the other party. This issue would be very crucial because public servants in key positions have considerable influence on the election process. Without doubt, there would be demands and counter demands, allegations and counter allegations about the suitability of a particular public official. The Election Commission and the CTG would have to do serious homework to work out their strategy to face such eventuality and come up with reasonably satisfying solutions. The quality of law enforcement prior to and during the election will depend significantly on the handling of this issue.
The deployment of armed forces personnel has had without doubt a salutary effect on the election process in Bangladesh. However, there were occasions when the political government was reluctant to deploy armed forces personnel even after repeated requests from the Election Commission. There were differences of opinion even on the manner of their deployment between the two authorities. The Election Commission conducts and manages the national election with the support of caretaker government, but the decision to deploy the armed forces personnel for election, including its timing, rests exclusively on the President of the Republic, who, however, will have the benefit of advice of the council of advisers and chiefs of the services. Past experience indicate that political parties have differing views on the time and manner of actual field placement of Armed Forces Personnel , , ,
Ilie time and the manner of the above deployment will come under intense public scrutiny during the next election. Prudent and efficient handling of this issue will have immense impact on the law enforcement. The Election Commission and the caretaker government will be hard-pressed to make appropriate decision on this sensitive aspect
Every democratic society needs to have an aristocracy of talent, knowledge, and character. It is this aristocracy which must take to public life, however discriminatory and unpleasant it may sound, if democracy is to have a solid foundation in Bangladesh. We have to go all out to accord the highest recognition to ability, knowledge, and integrity. Our constitution was framed on the basis that our citizens, including the best, would be willing to take a continuous and meaningful part in public life. So if the thoughtful and the committed fail the country at this juncture, the next alternative would be to invite extra-constitutional authoritarianism of the worst type.
The time has come when citizens must wrest the leadership from the less committed professional politicians and insist upon persons of knowledge, vision, and character to be chosen as candidates for parliamentary and local body election. Such persons can usher in a government which will be strong without being authoritarian and humane without being weak.
Muhammad Nurul Huda is a columnist for The Daily Star