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Recalibrating strategy to fight corruption

Muhammad Zamir
This interim Caretaker Administration, to its credit, started its campaign against corruption in a meaningful manner. The decision to create an independent Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) was a good first step. Controversy about the organic nature of this Commission was also reduced through its overhaul and empowerment in terms of capacity building. Unfortunately, it has not been a simple, straight path since then.
Debate has re-surfaced once again about the methods by which the fight against corruption is being carried out. Some have suggested that the government's efforts in this direction, its will and commitment, appears to have become enmeshed in politics. Consequently, it is being alleged that the fight against corruption has been affected and it has become a means to justify an end that is questionable. The recent haste in granting bail and parole to disreputable defendants to facilitate the holding of the election has only added to this assumption. It has not enhanced the image of this Administration.
In more ways than one, corruption appears to have become endemic in the body-politic and the psyche of governance within our country. This indeed is unfortunate. It has not only entered most institutions in Bangladesh but has also spread its widespread malevolence in diverse sectors. Now it touches our lives directly and indirectly.
Initially, we thought that the drive against the corrupt leadership associated with politics and the Utility Departments would have a demonstration effect and effectively reduce the evil tentacles of this pernicious disease. This has not happened. Assessments obtained from informal polling carried out by civil society repre sentatives and the Transparency International (the well-known
corruption watch dog) has indicated that corruption remains as pervasive as before. It has also surfaced that corruption at the lower levels of administration has increased and in fact become more expensive apparently due to the 'greater risks' (?) involved. It is true that we have climbed the ladder slightly and are no longer classified as the most corrupt nation on this blue planet, but our movement upwards has probably been more as a result of other countries doing worse than us in the perception index. One can only hope that this situation will imp rove over the next year.
The 'illegal tool' of corruption helps to create inequality and social injustice. In more ways than one, it disrupts social order, due process of law and good governance. It casts a shadow on human dignity, accountability, equity and social justice. This eventually impacts on the environment related to the cost of doing business and potential investment. It creates lack of transparency and this leads to exploitation.
The current situation within Bangladesh demands, as one analyst has put it. a 'collaborative strategy', a partnership between the different stakeholders so that there can be a more spontaneous approach In our struggle to fight corruption.
One effective method that has been tried out in the Scandinavian countries and also in certain States within the USA has been the princi-
pal of 'naming and shaming' of concerned individuals. It is believed that such an approach has worked in various countries because it generates social pressures. This has been tried out to a certain extent by this government and also in India with their disgraceful dismissals of high level government officials and even criminal action against public figures. It has worked partly in India, especially in Kerala, West Bengal and in Andhra Pradesh. However, it seems not to have had the full desired effect in Bangladesh. In this context, our scenario has reminded me of the old adage that a shameless person Cbehaya') with one ear ('ek kan kata') will walk on the side of the road and a shameless person without any ears (’dui kan kata') will walk in the middle of the road. It is probably this nature that has encouraged some of our known corrupt individuals to come out from jail, on bail wearing garlands. Nevertheless, I believe that this process of naming and shaming will be more effective if the prose cuting authorities are more careful not only in the framing of charges, gathering and presenting of-evidence but also in the completion of the desired legal process at the shortest possible time. We have already seen what delay can do to the due process of law.
Strategically, we also need to create a more intensive network which will include representatives
from the civil society and relevant government departments. The ACC is currently trying to focus on such an initiative, particularly outside Dhaka. This is laudable and will definitely yield results. However, the ACC needs to be careful that wrong or biased information does not lead to unnecessary harassment of individuals and denial of their rights under law.
One analyst recently has very correctly pointed out that there are two sides and parties to corruption. He has described the process being based on the principles of 'demand and supply'. In this context I am reminded of Rabindranath Tagore's poem 'Nnay Dondo' where the poet mentions that the person who commits a crime ( annay ) and the person who tolerates it, are both equally guilty’. The only way to remove this dynamics is to restore accountability and transparency within the process of governance. This will necessitate continuous and seri- ous monitoring of the private sector and the manner in which ethical standards, internal controls and auditing arc being carried out within business houses. We should try to copy Singapore In this regard A truly independent judiciary will of course greatly help. We have seen in the recent past the Executive again indirectly trying to influence the judicial process. It must be understood that such courses of action will only create a credibility gap about our judiciary.
No discussion on fighting corruption can be complete without referring to the role of the media within this paradigm. It is true that both the print as well as the electronic media is hampered by their having to rely on external advertisements sponsored by different business establishments, some of whom also have political affiliations. We need to address this issue with an open mind and also remember that this is applicable also in other developed countries. Thos associated with the media, particularly in the electronic media, should however be encouraged to host talk-shows, based on investigative reporting. This might be one way out of the restrictive matrix. Some of this has already started, but more needs to be done. In such cases, as is sometimes undertaken in Europe, UK and the USA, alleged offenders are requested to come to the reality TV shows and explain alleged irregularities within their institutions or acts committed by individuals where there has been clear abuse of power and responsibility. Refusal to explain charges could then be used to initiate action as required under law The media could also seek the constructive assistance of different Chambers of Commerce to facilitate cooperation in fighting corrupt practices.
Corruption, as has been underlined many times is the biggest obstacle to the reduction of poverty in any developing country, includ ing Bangladesh. It also undermines democracy and the expected demo -cratic process of governance.
This reflection on corruption will however remain incomplete if one forgets to include the vital role that needs to be played by the political parties both inside and also outside the Jatiyo Sangsad --our Parliament. All elected political representatives should desist from trying to politicise important constitutional bodies, including the ACC. They should also, as a matter of principle, try to make the Parliamentary Standing Committees more functional, in terms of debate as well as in the obtaining of facts and figures from different Ministries of the Government. Politicians have to remember that all anti-corruption measures require bipartisanship, particularly in the awarding of contracts for infrastructure projects (affecting national interest) and in the accountability associated in its expenditure. That will be the only way to ensure participatory good governance.
Corruption thwarts justice, threatens economic development and exacerbates political instability -- factors that impede progress. We need to forge in this area a powerful coalition for change. I am confident that this will be a reward >
ing fight that will enable us to achieve a better and more sustainable human development
Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador and can be reached at rrazarrz@draka net