& çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð

Straight line

Deficits in combating extremist violence

There is no denying that we will definitely put ourselves and our future generation in peril by our inability to let a truly professional investigating agency grow in accordance with the dictates of the law. Viewing criminal occurrences from a political angle only will be ruinous because that would not only be a damper to the growth of professionalism but also in the process shatter the remaining confidence reposed in the vital institution of the State. Let the actual facts and circumstances of the incident be ascertained as is the job of the investigator and let that be placed before the court for adjudging the guilt.

Muhammad Nurul Huda
f r | HE Daily Star' has I editorially ventilated X frustrations in the slow investigation of bomb explosion cases and the inability of the enforcement units to forestall such incidents. Concerned citizens have expressed identical views and the civil society has impressed upon firm political resolve in tackling the extremist depredations.
Those washing to take a deeper look into the matter have to appreciate that whether in fighting or controlling or even containing the so-called religious extremism, the first step is to understand and appreciate the very prevalence of such elements in a given society and its pernicious effects on the way of life of the citizens. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh, we have been perilously late in awakening to the realities on ground. This is not to discredit anybody or apportion blame to any particular political party because the growth and muscle flexing of the obscurantist elements has not been limited to the tenure of one regime. Cumulative inaction of the regulatory authority resulting from a lack of appreciation by policy-makers about the mindset and modus-operandi of the extremists has brought us to the present state of affairs.
The constitutional position vis-a-vis the programme of the extremists leave no room for any ambiguity. While at the macro-level it may be a matter of political direction to sort out disagreements through dialogue and persuasion, the fieldlevel operatives, both in uniform
and plainclothes must have clear directives and of action for preventing violent subversive actions.
We have to admit that the reality of the threat of violence and subversion from some religious outfits and institutions was abundantly clear from the first quarter of 1999. The attack on eminent poet Shamsur Rahman, the planting of extremely high-powered bombs at meeting place and helipad in Kotalipara under Gopalgonj district where the then Prime Minister had official programme, the discovery of huge explosives and bomb making materials at Sonar Bangla Soap Factory at Gopalgonj owned by Mufti Hannan (now in custody), the attack on Communist Party meeting at Paltan Maidan and at the Bengali New Year cultural function at Ramna Park, to mention a few, were credible evidence to the steadily growing mischief making potential of the extremist groups.
There was credible information about some apparent charitable and voluntary bodies which were receiving funds from abroad for activities that were doubtful and could not be satisfactorily explained. The fact that some such bodies have now been asked to close their activities in Bangladesh and that the expatriates from Middle Eastern and African countries working in those organisations have now left is clear testimony to their association with Bangladeshi elements believing in un constitutional ways of achieving their socio-political objectives.
Whether extremist elements have flourished due to the support and encouragement of ruling parties and the establishment may be a matter of probe, but the threat -ening reality is that they have not been under effective surveillance. The determination and deadly attack at the state apparatus with attendant panic are adequate proof of the unhindered growth and sustenance of persons and organisations who want to upset the constitutional way of life. Our failures are manifest reality.
We may have to ask ourselves if a perception has developed among the terrorist groups that the Bangladeshi state is inherently incapable of meeting their challenge and that it has become soft and indolent. We may have to ascertain if quite a few parties have devel -oped a vested interest in a soft state, a weak government and ineffective implementation of the laws. Simultaneously, are foreign funds flowing substantially to various organisations and groups which serve, willingly or unwillingly, the long term objective of some political parties suspected to be aligned or sympathetic to the regional or international terror network?
Since terrorism of the so-called Islamic extremists have increased in its very nature thereby demanding changes in the strategy to counter it, are we ready to seriously study the problem, one may ponder. This is natural because we do not witness credible attempts being made to examine links between terrorist groups, the
conditions in which they had spawned, the politician-militant nexus and other forms of patronage these groups receive, the proliferation of small arms leading to the growth of private armies etc. The question is, arc we trying to appreciate all the factors that contribute to the quality and extent' of internal security threats? Another specific question could be whether our failure to deal with die terrorist crime is largely attributable to the inefficiency and corruption of the law enforc ing machinery.
What may or may not be done to countervail the malevolence of the extremists concerns every right-thinking Bangladeshi but equally, if not more significant, is what kept the state apparatus in a deep slumber while the bigots carried on virtually undisturbed. There is a creeping suspicion that there never was a dispassionate appreciation of the real threat scenario. In other words, was there no effort to pinpoint the threats posed to our democratic polity and by extension to our independent national existence? These questions should bother us because patriotic citizens of the People's Republic of Bangladesh must know that.
Justifiable worries have been ventilated about the fate of investigation of bombing incidents in Bangladesh with particular reference to 'Udichi' tragedy of March' 99. It may be relevant to mention here that the connected criminal case ended in charge sheet in December 1999 and the trial finally concluded in 2006. All accused
persons have been left off for insufficient evidence and the investigating officer faces a stricture from the court for apparently perfunctory work. The questions as to who is at fault and in what degree can be established only by scrutinizing all the concerned papers and documents bycompetent personnel.
One has to admit that in the fitness of things every criminal case should be disposed of on its own merit. That is the ideal. There are, however, objective conditions in Bangladesh to doubt that the fate of some cases, if not many, did not have the benefit of such ideal standard. The inordinate delay in the holding of trial of the 'Udichi' incident should not escape the attention of concerned commentators. Some cynics say that the expeditious holding of this trial may have produced different findings. This writer is not sure but would like to dwell upon certain facts and circumstances of our socio-political existence and in particular the perilous political polarization of our society that has a definite bearing upon the basic regulatory function of investigation by the state agency, the police.
The pernicious culture of playing to the tune of unscrupulous political masters or pandering to their unholy wishes by the investigating agencies and other sensitive state agencies has not occurred all on a sudden. Spells of unconstitu tional rule, particularly during 1982-90, have substantially damaged the ethos of our public service including the investigating agen-
cies. While leadership deficits account for some malfeasance, the real damage has been done by an insensitive and myopic dictatorial establishment that was hell-bent to screw all regulatory and corrective institutions. The unwholesome effect of such institution-bashing is now being felt by a concerned citizenry One is, however, not oblivious of the fact that the democratically elected but tempcramcn tally dictatorial regimes since 1991 have been any better in realizing the damage done to the professionalism of the services. The halo and (Jian of public service has meant little to the political leadership who have spent more time and energy in fostering the growth of pliable and time serving personnel for achieving their selfish goals.
While the public's right to be informed cannot be denied and the nation's concern for the safety and security of innocent lives cannot be brushed aside, we will perhaps do well to look at the factual dimension of the bomb blasts in a dispassionate manner. Almost immediate apportioning of blame mostly on rivals of the other camp by responsible persons after each occurrence has become a pathetic recurrent reality. Indiscreet and uninformed comments in such sensitive matters further com pound the environment in our society where almost everybody --from the humble to the mighty --has some expertise on law and order, observes a cynic who has been in the business of law and order for quite some time.
What, however, is not attracting our attention is the predicament of the investigating agency in a situation marked by opposing pulls and lack of adequate scientific supports. Investigations of bomb blast cases need sustained painstaking efforts in a professional manner without any influence peddling. Readers may recollect the time, energy and resources devoted to the investigation of the explosion incident that led to the death of Rajiv Gandhi of India. It needs to be emphasized that unnecessary and motivated haste in the investigation of such cases might prove
counter-productive.
While the police must unearth and detect the bomb blast cases and prevent such incidents from happening by dint of quality intelligence, they cannot be expected to put a complete stop to such incidents because of circumstances beyond their control. Extreme views advocating and implementing annihilation of the opponent is a sad socio-political reality of our society and in rooting out this menace the police is at best a marginal player. Similarly, the so-called extermination campaign of class enemy by apparently ideologically motivated elements cannot be effectively controlled by adopting a purely conventional law and order approach. Extremism of the so-called fundamentalist variety can be countered by a joint strategy of persuasion and tough action, with political direction being conspicuously pronounced.
In all the above matters, the acumen needed is political sagacity and patience to fight the painfully long battle against extremist depredations and insurgency. If it is a political battle with armed support and not the other way, we will definitely overcome the present predicament sooner than apprehended. Violence must not be allowed to be a way of our life along with a political consensus to abjure it. The police, admittedly, in this regard have a secondary role to perform and that relates to prevention of some description and intensive investigation once the damage has been done. Let us make sustained efforts to facilitate the organization in acquiring the hallmarks of a professionally upright body.
There is no denying that we will definitely put ourselves and our future generation in peril by our inability to let a truly professional investigating agency grow in accordance with the dictates of the law. Viewing criminal occurrences from a political angle only will be ruinous because that would not only be a damper to the growth of professionalism but also in the process shatter the remaining confidence reposed in the vital institution of the State. We still have pockets of
excellence in our investigative outfits and it shall be in the fitness of tilings to allow such outfits to attain professional excellence without being tainted by any direction. Let the actual facts and circumstances of the incident be ascertained as is the job of the investigator and let that be placed before the court for adjudging the guilt.
Our intelligence organization needs to work under pragmatic political leadership and if properly and professionally steered, it does not threaten our liberties. If we operate by the book, we will be adequately informed of the perils which face us. If we do not know the designs of the so-called religious-extremists, then we could well be isolated and our liberties, too, could be in jeopardy. Therefore, we must be ready to deal with all aspects of the not-very-visible war of the bigots with all its ramifications and fronts, supported by external resources. The la$t thing we can afford to do now is to put our intelligence in chains. Its protective and informative role is indispensable in time of unique and continuing violence in the name of religion.
Democracy has to allow the interaction of different shades of opinion or divergent views to ensure the vibrancy of a pluralist society. However, that does not mean that there will be freedom to convert the entire country into a theocratic dispensation by application of force and intimidation and the litigant public has to approach the clerics for resolution of disputes and judgement, as demanded. There is a challenge to our way of life. This must be realized by the mainstream political parties who are pledge-bound to uphold, protect and preserve our constitution. Therefore, the visible enemy must be caught by the forelock and be dealt with under the law. A sovereign republic bom out of a historic struggle entailing epic human sacrifices demand that We must not fail. Muhammad Nurul Huda is a columnist of The Daily Star.