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Political psyche against upazila polls

MAS. Molla
Article 59 of the Bangladesh constitution guarantees the establishment of local elected bodies at various levels. But establishment of local bodies did not receive due attention of our governments until the early 1980s. The government of General Ershad upgraded British-created thanas (police stations) to upazilas (subdistricts), which started working in the new districts elevated from the earlier local administrative units -- the "sub-divisions."
The term upazila seems very logical because these are units under the districts, and the British "sub-division" became redundant. Although General Ershad's government cannot be adjudged democratic at all, it established upazilas having elected upazila parishads headed by a chairman
in 1983. The system, stabilised Ershad's self-declared presidency, and also worked for local people's emancipation in many ways.
Under a non-partisan caretaker government (CTG), Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) came out victorious in the 1991 general election. This party did not like the upazila system and rolled back most of its people-oriented units, bringing back the thanas to "govern" local administration.
The next elected government of the Awami League (AL) went back to the name upazila and reinstated a few public services there, but did not establish an elected upazila parishad. The appointed Thana Nirbahi Officer (TNO) declared by BNP government was renamed Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO). The last BNP regime did not dare to switch back to renaming upazila as thana.
The present CTG rescued the
statecraft that was being sunk by the CTG of October, 2006. Although born under emergency, and failing in some ways economically, the present CTG could prove well its good intentions. This government is sincerely trying to establish elected local bodies, including the upazilas, that both of our big parties were reluctant to establish.
After the successful polls to four city corporations, the Election Commission (EC) has declared elections for about two-thirds of the 482 upazilas in October. But both the major political alliances are against upazila polls before the general election. Why are the parties against upazila polls before general elections?
Both the major political alliances say that upazila polls may "jeopardise" the ensuing general election. But I have doubts about this logic because the EC is now
fully prepared for holding the upazila elections.
Besides, the free and fair elections to the city corporations prove that both the CTG and the EC arc sincere about meaningful elections. So it is clear that the actual political reason against upazila polls is something else.
The BNP stand is clearly expressed in the statement issued by its present Secretary General Khandaker Delwar Hossain. He said: "Despite widespread protest of the major political parties, the government is hatching a deep-rooted conspiracy to hold upazila polls to serve their narrow political interest, but people will resist this malafide intention." What can be the "narrow political interest" or the "malafide intention"? I find none. So their intentions might be malafide, instead!
However, the other faction of BNP that seems more democratic, but is being defeated by the "charisma syndrome," expressed wisely just after the city corporation polls that "BNP has made a political mistake by not backing candidates in the local polls.”
The same spokesman added: "People want democracy, they
want elections. That is why BNP should participate in all the elections." This is actually the feeling expressed by local BNP leaders. An example Is a former JCD leader who said: "I am fully prepared to contest the upazila polls, and am taking preparation for upholding the party decision in this regard."
Al, presidium member Abdur Razzak does not find "justification" in this government going ahead with upazila elections because his party is "pledge-bound to the nation to hold upazila elections within one or two months if it goes to power." But during its rule it could not prove such sincerity in establishing upazila parishad.
A local AL leader of Patukhali commented: "People, leaders and activists of the grassroots level are in favour of polls." Khairuzzaman Liton -- the mayor-elect of Rajshahi City Corporation -- also opined: "AL should participate in the local government polls on the basis of discussion with the government on relaxing the state of emergency." Then why are the central leaders still urging party men to resist the upazila polls, especially if held before the general election?
A BNP minister said a few years ago that there might have been a tug of war between the upazila chairman and the Member of Parliament (MP) elected from the area concerned. I suspect the same psyche is active also in AL central leaders; this indicates that neither of the two major parties is sincere about upazila election.
The other logic in AL politics, I
guess, is that if the upazila polls arc held after the general election, they can in some way manipulate the local election in favour of the party. If the local leaders are defeated in general election they can be accommodated as upazila chairmen, if upazila election is held later.
To avert political intention of not establishing upazila parishads, or manipulating them
in some way, the CTG can arrange upazila polls to as many upazilas as possible before the general election.
For functional reforms, the general mass relies on the CTG until genuine politics is "restored" in our political arena.
MAS Mota 6 a freelance contributor to The DaSy Star. He can be reached at moma$71 ©yahoo com.
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Both the major political alliances say that ilpazila polls may "jeopardise" the ensuing general election. But I have doubts about this logic because the EC is now fully prepared for holding the upazila elections. Besides, the free and fair elections to the city corporations prove that both the CTG and the EC are sincere about meaningful elections. So it is clear that the actual political reason against upazila polls is something else.****