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Noam Chomsky on Indo-US nuclear deal
"I think it is a terrible idea, very dangerous for the world. I should add that I am very far from agreeing with those in India who oppose this deal because of threats to India's sovereignty. That's far from the problem, in my opinion."
On December 18, 2006, after receiving overwhelming congressional approval, President Bush signed the United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act. As is a common practice, becoming routine since the Reagan-Gingrich years, the titles of acts of Congress are drawn from Orwell. This is no exception. The major thrust of the act is effective authorization of India's development of nuclear weapons outside the bounds of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It also offers India assistance in nuclear programs along with other rewards. The Bush initiative was unilateral (as usual), nuclear weapons specialist Gary Milhollin reports, without the required notification or coordination with the international institutions (the Nuclear Suppliers Group, Missile Technology Control Regime) that had been established to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and delivery systems. The U.S.-India agreement violates the "cardinal principle of both regimes": that they are "country neutral." Washington "has invited other members to act the same way," Milhollin observes, perhaps by undertaking "unilateral deals with Iran or Pakistan" or others of their choice. Washington's new initiatives to undermine the barriers against nuclear war, he adds, "may hasten the day when a nuclear explosion destroys a U.S. city." The reasons, as Secretary of State Rice conceded, were to facilitate exports by U.S. firms. The primary interest. Milhollin suggests, is military aircraft. The message is that "export controls are less important to the United States than money"that is, profits for U.S. corporations (Current History, November 2006). Shortly after, it was reported that China
and India were about to sign a similar deal, which would give India "access to high-tech nuclear technology it was denied previously." The deal would enable India to "become equidistant between the U.S. and China," an Indian official explained, while in Chinese eyes, helping to develop Russia-China-India cooperation to balance U.S. global hegemony (Jehangir Pocha, "China and India on verge of nuclear deal," Boston Globe. November 20, 2006) Meanwhile Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh informed Parliament that "there is no question of allowing American inspectors to roam around our nuclear facitilies," and foreign minister Pranab Mukerjee added that "We will not allow external scrutiny of or intereference with the strategic program." meaning nuclear weapons development and testing (Pallava Bagla, Indo-U.S. Nuclear Pact in Jeopardy," Science, 22 December 2006.)
The seriousness of these moves is underscored by Michael Krepon, cofounder of the Henry J. Stimson Center and a leading specialist on nuclear threat reduction. "Now that the United States has given India a free pass around nuclear controls," he writes, "other states will be lining up to profit from proliferation." The unilateral U.S. move to exempt India from the global rules of nuclear commerce has "no precedent," and if the other "primary potential profit-takers’ in the Nuclear Suppliers Groupthe five permanent members of the Security Councilfollow the U.S. lead and "place profits ahead of nonproliferation," the nonproliferation regime will suffer yet another severe blow.
"Simply put, as export controls go, so does the NPT," he concludes. "Senior Bush administration officials view the U.S.-India deal as a significant part of the administration's legacy," Krepon observes: "Unfortunately, they may be right."
Source Internet