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Politics and leadership changes

Abdullah a. Dewan
***The cases against Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia are now being tried in the court like those of other politicians; the process should be allowed to take its course. Having them released on bail or parole is fair and reasonable, but the demand for outright dismissal of the charges on threats and ultimatum will not only be ignominious for them, it will also be deemed to be direct interference in the independence of the judiciary — an awful precedent for future interference by the executive branch.***
IN her lune 2 court appearance, instead of making statements about her corruption related charges, Khaleda Zia gave a political speech in noticeable violation of court proceedings -- a maneuver that would be tantamount to "contempt of court” in US courts.
She stated that the events of 1 /11 were fabricated to realise the ambitions of a few people. Khaleda claimed that her two sons were charged with corruption in an attempt to malign and destroy the family.
She further alleged that the government had filed "false" cases against popular leaders, branding them corrupt to disqualify them for elections. These statements clearly show how detached and narcissistic she was then, and now, even though the charges are serious.
Many of my friends, such as DU political science professor Gias Molla and politicians such as Col. Zafar Imam (former minister), and Nurul Islam (president of Gonotrantri Party) tell me that while political corruption for the
last 16 months has been absent, primarily because politicians aren't in power, there has been at best a negligible decrease in corruption among the public servants.
In this regard, Khaleda's warning that the people found involved in corruption in the present regime will have to stand trial when the elected government assumes office is a good omen. The warning is most welcome, given that combating corruption is a continuing process. However, it sounded vengeful -- a mean spirited, bitter statement rather than a well-intentioned corruption combating stance.
In the US, a corrupt politician has absolutely no chance of getting elected, while an elected politician in office, once caught in corruption or any other mischief, must quit his/her office and serve time in prison, if found guilty.
In contrast, a corrupt politician in Bangladesh outshines a lesser corrupt rival in an election. Once in office, he/she becomes more corrupt and powerful, and then becomes untouchable.
The repeated demand for the
release of incarcerated corrupt politicians by BNP's Khondaker Delwar Hossian and others is a clear indication of what to expect if these people are allowed to reassume their old powerful positions.
In the US, it is unheard of for a political party and its leaders to ever sympathise with their criminalised surrogates; instead they distance themselves to protect their own reputations and future electability prospects.
In contrast, Bangladeshi politicians dismiss charges against their leaders and party colleagues as fabricated; when the courts find them guilty as charged, the surrogates dub the verdicts as being concocted by a collusion of the court and the government.
If the corrupt plead guilty as charged -- their political associates politicise their "guilty plea" as being coerced by inflicting torture and intimidation. Worst of all. the incarcerated are politicised as raj bondhi (political prisoners).
The cases against Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia are now being tried in the court like those of other politicians; the process should be
allowed to take its course. Having them released on bail or parole is fair and reasonable, but the demand for outright dismissal of the charges on threats and ultimatum will not only be ignominious for them, it will also be deemed to be direct interference in the independence of the judiciary — an awful precedent for future interference by the executive branch.
But the court's sanction for Kasina's release to go abroad for medical treatment is politically astute -- one that takesaway a lot of pressure from the government and her loyal party people to pave the way for a successful dialogue with the CFG.
Besides, AL's decision not to join hands with BNP for street movement is another indication of their decision to "not go back" to the pre-1/11 confrontational politics.
The country had hoped that the post 1/11 initiatives for rule of law and institutional reforms would bring about a new political milieu. Unfortunately, all indications from BNP's leadership underscore the contrary -- the old culture of "demand, threat and ultimatum"
and the culture of "leader glorification” Is as robust and vibrant as it ever was.
Commenting during a discussion meeting titled "National dialogues, upcoming general election, and the will of the people" on May 30, Dr. Kamal I lossain said: "The fate of the people is not leased out to any person or any political party. The idea that nothing can be done without some specific person's permission is intolerable. The country does not belong to any party."
He further said: “If somebody threatens to foil the election we. the eight crore voters, will make the election happen by casting our votes."
Syed Maksud Ahmed urged political parties to participate in the dialogues for the sake of democracy. Dr. Syed Anwar Hossain said. "The Bangladesh we have now is not the one we wanted to have through the liberation war, that Bangladesh was hijacked from us."
Are the self-absorbed, leaderglorifying politicians listening?
Seminars and discussion meetings will not persuade the noncooperating political parties to join the dialogue, but a pro-dialogue mass awareness movement will generate pressure to neutralise their threats and ultimatums and may even transform their pre-1/11 mentality and posturing.
In an article titled "Ideas, institutions, and political culture in Western development" (Journal of Theoretical Politics, 1990), Professor Erich Weede wrote that contemporary Western political
culture (WPC) is exemplified by three realisations.and ideas — the limitation of government or the rule of law; some institutional separation of the economy and of science from government and religion; and popular participation or democracy.
All three aspects of WPC are also the aspirations of the common people of Bangladesh Unfortunately, these aspirations are routinely besmirched by our self-serving politicians.
With Senator Barack Obama becoming the Democratic Party's presumptive presidential nominee, America's political landscape is already being transformed.
In addition to making staff changes in the Democratic National Committee, he extended his campaign's prohibition on fund raising from lobbyists and political action committees. With his winning the presidency in November people are hoping that a kinder and gentler America will emerge, with people oriented changes in domestic and foreign policies.
Indisputably, politics and politicians of Bangladesh are holding back the aspirations of the people be it democracy, good governance or economic well-being. We must have a new and younger generation of politicians to bring forth the kinds of changes in leadership and the democratic process that are already underway in America now.
Dr Abduiah A Dewan rs Professor of Economics at Eastern Michigan University.