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Strategically speaking

Extraordinary visit

Brig Gen Shaiiedui.Anam khaN tide. psc (Retd)
GENERAL Moeen's visit to India has not come a day too soon. In fact, the visit of the Bangladesh CAS to India had been long overdue. It seems rather strange, in terms of the bilateral relationship between the two countries that exchange of visits by topmost army commanders is commencing after almost a decade.
As a point of clarification, it is not the first ever visit of an army chief as reported in a certain segment ofourprint media, noris Gen Moeen U Ahmed the chief of the armed forces. The last army chief to visit India was Gen Mustafizur Rahman, in 1999, and while there is no chief of the armed forces as such in Bangladesh, the commander-in-chief of our armed forces happens to be the hon'able president ofBangladesh.
Also, for the record, there has been no return visit since the Indian COAS Gen V P Malik's visit to this country in April, 2000, whereas, between April, '97 and mid-2000, there were as many as four visits by tire army chiefs from both the countries out of tire seven visits of service chiefs during that time.
Gen Mustafizur Rahman was the first CAS of Bangladesh to be given the honour of reviewing the passing out parade of the IMA, Dehradun. People may read many things into this, including the orientation of the ruling parties of the two countries towards each other. There is perhaps substance in the criticism that the state ofBangladesh India bilateral relationship had been largely predicated on who happened to be the party in power at a particular period in time in these countries. This is unfortunate, but cannot be discounted with any degree of conviction.
What is surprising in this instance is that no official intimation about the impending visit was given to the media; the 1SPR has been surprisingly quiet about the visit, a queer departure from the norm. In fact, the news of the visit was already in the Indian press a good two weeks before its start, whereas the public in Bangladesh came to know of it from the media, which obtained it from its own sources without the benefit of a government announcement, only a couple of days before the said visit.
Needless to say, this has given
rise to all the speculations about whom General Moeen would be calling on, and some have even gone so far as to ask why he is at all calling on political personalities in India, he being only the army chief?
On the other hand, the media in Bangladesh has gone on overdrive (it cannot be faulted for it, given the unique situation obtaining in the country, and given the circumstances of the emergence of the current caretaker government) about the CAS's India visit, that was scheduled for the middle of last year but had to be postponed due the uncertain political situation at home.
Exchanges of visits by military delegations, including that of commanders, between friendly countries, ought to be a routine matter, particularly when it involves two close neighbours. But why has this one become a high-profile visit? And some have even attributed to it an element of the extraordinary.
Admittedly, General Moeen's visit is not like any other army chief's visit. Seldom, if at all, does a service chief call on political personalities except, perhaps, the defence minister. This time, the CAS has met several Indian
ministers not quite related to the military. The Indian government has accorded the visit a very high status. However, one hardly sees in it a cause for alarm, as some in the print media have chosen to view the meetings.
There are certain realities that must be accepted, no matter how much one may dislike it. The army chief has indeed attained a profile of importance. The influence of the military in the changes of January 11, 2007, was inevitable, and welcomed by the common man. It had met with the approbation of all except the diehard supporters of the erst while regime.
The military's role in post disaster management and also in the preparation of the voter list has made it an indispensable adjunct of the administration. But most importantly, its opinion on matters of state, particularly of governance, articulated through various forums, are being given due cognisance. And the role of the army chief in this regard is significant.
One could take issue with this, but the military has emerged as an important factor, but has not, I must insist, arrogated to itself a role in the country's socio-econ-political dynamics. Whether that
state is ideal or should prevail at all is another question, and open to discussion.
But if there are compelling reasons for our media to accord so much hype to the visit, one could also ask why has the Indian government attached so much importance to a service chiefs visit? Going by reports in the media, there have been more than formal exchanges, and gifting of thoroughbreds, between the two service chiefs.
Reportedly, there were more than the usual military matters on the agenda, by what one could make out from the personalities called on by the Bangladesh army chief.
Undoubtedly, the period of the BNP-Jamaat regime had seen the worst in Bangladesh-India bilateral relationship. It was at best lukewarm, and there were undercurrents of animus, that India saw being reflected in what it saw as BNP-Jamaat obduracy towards many of its strategic proposals.
It considered the alliance government as an impediment to its anti-insurgency campaign in the north-east. And some in the Indian press at least credit Gen Moeen "for seriously going after the home-bred Islamic extremist organisations like the Jamaat-ul-Muslim Bangladesh (JMB).’
India wants a democratically elected government in Bangladesh, and it considers that the army happens to be the underwriter; its intention to keep away from politics and to help the caretaker government organise a free, fair and accept-
able election being expressed unequivocally by the army chief so often Like all other countries, India appreciates the relevance of the armed forces in the current political matrix and it is, therefore, only natural for the Indian government to accord the importance it has to the visit of the Bangladesh CAS.
There are a good number of issues that directly relate with security And these must be addressed through open and frank discussions between neighbours. The CAS i» certainly well equipped to do that. One could ask whether he should discuss issues that are political in nature and are best left to the elected representatives. Why not, if the government of the day empowers him to do that? Improvement of bilateral relations should be the focus, and not the mechanism that is employed.
These are extraordinary times, and so is the visit. And if Gen Moeen can contribute towards enhancing the bilateral relationship, apart from the military aspect, so be it. However, the people must be apprised of the details of the visit and the gist of his discussions with various personalities. It must be done not only as a matter of public information but also to allay the fears of those that are disposed to think that the discussion with the Indian leaders might turn out to be counterproductive for Bangladesh in the long run.
Bag Gen Shahedul Anam Khan (Retd.) s, Editor
De'ence and Strategic Altars. Tne Daty Sta'
****These are extraordinary times, and so is the visit. And if Gen Moeen can contribute towards enhancing the bilateral relationship, apart from the military aspect, so be it. However, the people must be apprised of the details of the visit and the gist of his discussions with various personalities.***