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Ethnic Violence and Communal Polarisation in Orissa's Kandhamal District

Maitreya Buddha Samantaray
The ongoing communal tension in the sensitive Kandhamal district of eastern Orissa is yet to die down, and night curfew still continues in the affected areas of Phulbani, Baliguda, Brahmanigaon and Daringbadi. Police officials have Arrested 93 persons for their complicity in the turmoil until now.
Christian groups claim that nine people were killed, at least 90 churches burnt, and nearly 600 houses torched. An estimated 5,000 people have been affected in the violence that erupted on Christmas Eve, when a group of Christmas revellers were confronted by members of another community. The situation worsened when a group of Christians targeted the leader of a radical Hindu outfit, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), was who was in the forefront of the anti-conversion movement in the region for over three decades and has succeeded in restricting the conversion of both the Scheduled Caste (SC) Pana and the Scheduled Tribe (ST) Kandh members to Christianity.
Out of the roughly 600,000 Christians in the state, some 450,000 belong to the Kandha, and most of the others are from the Pana, over 95 percent of whom are converted Christians. The district has been ethnically divided for decades between the tribal Kui-speaking Kandha, and lower caste Kui-speaking Panas, who occupy a dominant position in their society. Kandhs have been vociferously opposed to the demand by a section of the lower caste Panas to be identified as Kui tribals in official records on the basis of them speaking the Kui language, and following some tribal rituals. The recent tension started due to the activities of an NGO named Phulbani Kui Jankalyan Sangh of Bhubaneswar which has approached the Orissa High Court with the demand that Panas of Kandhamal be treated as tribals. Subsequent communal polarization of the two communities by Hindu activists and Christian missionaries has aggravated the situation in the region.
The political geography of Orissa depicts a deeper division between the coastal non-tribal areas and the inland tribal-inhabited areas. In the inland region there is a further divide between the tribals and non tribals. The interaction between the non-tribals and tribals has often led to frictions, conciliation and synthesis. Orissa had never experienced any large-scale conversion to Christianity. Hie first mission was set up in Orissa in 1822, but it took six years to convert the first native. Initially, each convert had to be won over individually. Contrary to conventional wisdom, most of the early converts were from tire upper castes, and their motive was not material gain. Subsequently, the missionaries gained some converts through their schools and orphanages. In the later stages, they moved into the tribal areas where they had better success. And, here, unlike in the early stages of the evangelical movement, the decision to convert was based on several motivations, including the material.
In Orissa, the tribal issue has neither acquired the character of a movement for self-determination like the Jharkhand movement in Bihar nor has it moved in the direction of a
revolutionary agrarian struggle like the Telangana movement in southern Andhra Pradesh, The political situation in the state, tribal destitution and the politics of underdevelopment have systematically informed the tribal upsurge. There is no evidence of any major political organization championing the rights of the tribals. In order to garner tribal support, the state and central leadership have been busy nurturing a few tribal leaders as their junior colleagues, thereby perpetuating their dependency on the non-tribals. Tribals are hardly able to assert their rights to form an autonomous support base
In its most transparent meaning as a change of religion, conversion is arguably one of the most unsettling political events in the life of a society. This is irrespective of whether conversion involves a single individual or an entire community, whether it is forced or voluntary, or whether it is the result of proselytizing or inner spiritual illumination. The incidents of continuing violence have been rationalized by those against conversion as a legitimate reaction to the persisting proselytizing efforts of the Christian missionaries in the region. However, in essence, the conversion debate misses the basic issues that plague tribal society, which are their capability-deprivation and the stunted growth of human capital. The real identity of the tribals and others marginalized will be enhanced by improving their human capital and capabilities, rather than pondering over their religious affiliations.
Dalai Lama to Washington for an audience with the president If Washington was overly dependent on Beijing for diplomacy and trade, you'd likely see a very different approach on these and other matters.”
Beijing has reinforced its threats with actions. It denied US naval ships permission to enter Hong Kong after the exiled Tibetan leader visited Washington and the US approved additional arms sales to Taipei.
Wu said the Chinese have become more aggressive militarily.
“They use their ground radar to lock onto Taiwan and Japan military aircraft. They seem to have more confidence,” he said.
Wu fears a weakened Taiwan will result in an unnecessary war in the region at a time when the US Pacific Command has been moving troops and materiel to the Mideast.
He argued that a weak Taiwan military will encourage Chinese military adventurism, while a strong Taiwan military would foster regional stability.
US officials declined four times in 2007 to accept Taiwan's letter of request for price and availability for 66 F- 16s. Wu said the fighter jets would help the island defend itself without US support Without them and other weapons, the US military may have to fight a devastating war in theTaiwan Strait
Schriver agrees that a "strong deterrent capability for Taiwan bolsters peace and stability in the cross-strait environment, and thus makes the region more stable.”
Support for Taiwan is eroding in the US Congress, long a steadfast advocate. Wu said: "The Chinese influence of Congress is growing.”
Forces inside Taiwan have helped erode external support, he said. The proindependence Democratic Progressive Party’ (DPP) has been more aggressive about pushing for freedom from Chinese influence. Ten years ago, a majority of Taiwan citizens identified themselves as Chinese, while today, some 80 percent self-identify as Tai wan ese,Wu said.
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which lost the 2000 presidential election, has since been working against the rival DPP KMT leaders have traveled to Beijing to pay respect to the Chinese Communist Party, while KMT legislators have blocked proposed defense budgets and security measures.
This year, the government finally managed to push through a budget for P-3C Orions and eight diesel submarines promised by the Bush administration in 2001.
Wu argues that Taiwan appears more divided than it actually is.
What China fears most is a DPP victory in both the legislature and presidency’, which could push the KMT out of political power. The DPP's Frank Hsieh and the KMT's Ma Ying-jeou face each other in the March presidential election.
Wu said Beijing had harassed Taiwanese delegations at international meetings with nongovernment organizations (NGO). coercing hospital, firefighter and hairdressing groups and beauty contestants to change Taiwan's title to "Chinese Taipei.” Chinese thugs have shown up at many NGO conferences and rippedTaiwan flags from flagpoles.
In one incident watched by millions of Taiwanese on local TV, Chinese thugs bullied a Taiwanese beauty pageant contestant to tears.
The result has been increasing distaste for Beijing within Taiwan and fears that Chinese rule over Taiwan would be brutal.
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