THE work is a timely publication indeed. Bangladesh is certainly now at a crossroads. A new window of opportunity has been opened since 11 January 2007 which may one day turn out to be a watershed in Bangladesh history. The newly placed caretaker government led by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed has not only been able to stop the impending bloodshed that would have taken place due to one-sided election forced by confrontational politics, but also has created new opportunities for crucial electoral and other related reforms. The Chief Adviser is apparently bent upon creating a level playing field for all participants of the election. He wants to bring back sanity and transparency in all arenas of governance. People in general are appreciative of the courageous steps taken by the government. However, more farsighted ones feel that reforms have to be a continuous process and one must prioritise even amongst the ongoing and planned reforms. If the CTG wants to undertake all the reforms under the sky at one go it may be overwhelmed by the burden of the tasks. Hence the prioritisation. Also there is an inherent limitation of a non-elected government, however, popular that may be. It can not be sustainable in the long run. Yet, people want this government to succeed in many areas without being controversial. So it has to ride a very tight rope. The biggest challenge for the government is to complete the entire process of reforms related to electoral system first and that too within a reasonable short time. It can certainly take necessary preparatory measures for undertaking other institutional measures as well. But those too have to be focused on the attempt at creating level playing field for all participants of the for the coming election. Yet another challenge for the government is to clear the mess created by the immediate past government in almost all the sectors.

Additionally, it has also been able to appoint credible commissioners in both the commissions. Now is the time to initiate necessary actions so that the country can

move towards a fair, healthy and credible election. People now want to see them in action. The final end is to hold a credible election and provide the country with a functional democracy. Also people want that old ghost of mindless confrontational politics does not overwhelm the ultimate goal i.e. just democratic governance. For the latter, the nation has to be committed for more far- reaching reforms which may not be possible in the short term. However, necessary preparatory measures can surely be taken to start the ball rolling. If CTG can inspire the political parties to undertake reforms on their own there will certainly be a new scope of optimism for sustainable democracy and just governance. Some actions are already visible in major political parties to distance themselves from the corrupt elements who have been netted by the low enforcing agencies.

Professor ATR Rahman's book deserves to be seriously read in this new context. Professor Rahman too believes that Bangladesh is at a crossroads and therefore must undertake reforms and improvements for the future development of Bangladesh. Simultaneously it must also remain regionally and globally focused. Although Professor Rahman is quite critical about the failures of governance in Bangladesh, particularly due to confrontational politics (he calls it 'Andolon' politics), yet he is proud of its manifold achievements. According to him, “Bangladesh has survived with a reasonable record of success in providing for its people food security, a minimum health safety, almost universal primary education, free expression and press, global recognitions as a preeminent peace-keeper, and a democratic framework for politics and governance” (P. XV). He is also appreciative of his people for their personal struggle for a better life for themselves and their children both at home and all over the world. Yet he is saddened by the obvious truth that his country has not been realising its full potential. He strongly feels that Bangladesh has been lacking a well organized vision and as well as institutions, procedures and rules to realize the same.

We may have many ideas, leaders and organizations. But we still have no institutional framework in which we all can come together and contribute towards its progress. In the backdrop of the conflictual reality the author perceives “the need to enhance our fragile democracy and its institutions through reform and retirement in order to strengthen our capacity to consider and implement an approach that can deliver the future” (P. XV). Prof Rahman correctly feels that we have spent too much of our time and energy fighting obsolete issues and thus got bogged down with past practices. As a result we have failed to take a forward-looking approach of nationbuilding. Hence it is high time that we take up institutional reforms and make ourselves capable of dealing with future challenges, in both the medium and long terms. For that matter the state must support its citizens and their reformed institutions to develop progressive policies and programs to realize our dreams.

The author aptly describes our inner strength for such a transition. “We have a creative, caring and industrious culture; our institutions should provide a framework for achievement, individually and collectively” (P. xvi). The author

points out three sets of institutional and structural reforms. First, replacing gradually Andolon (movement) politics with responsive and responsible government based on functioning political institutions. Obviously, holding of free and fair elections and improving the functioning of parliament and its committees is his top priority. Simultaneously, he is in favour of autonomous local governments at district and upazila levels. The political governments failed to install these vital local governments despite a High Court ruling. He has also suggested that the political parties be registered and operate within the legal framework. They too need to be transparent and accountable if democracy is their professed goal. The candidates have to declare assets and other related information if they want to compete in elections. He is also in favour of declaring assets by senior bureaucrats once he/she is promoted to senior positions.

People, according to Professor Rahman, have the right to know whom they are voting for and who are administering public services to them. At the same time all organizations including educational institutions, community organizations, professional and business organizations must help strengthen a culture of transparency and accountability. The second set of reforms relate to governance and administrative systems. We must adopt measures to simplify, consolidate and refresh our institutions and procedures. People and parliament should be given detailed information about government agencies, their specific services, and their regulations. He also wants to introduce semi-autonomous commissions for service delivery in the areas of police, local government, education and health. Relevant directorates which are not functioning properly can, therefore, be abolished to make room for the more dynamic commissions. Anticorruption commission which has been recently reorganized is an example of now an institution can rise up to people's expectation provided it gets the right leadership. I am sure Professor Rahman must have been dreaming of simi-

lar commissions in all those areas.

Before we go all out for such reforms, as indicated by Professor Rahman, we should first review government rules and regulations and dispense with those which sap the energy of the people. Red tapism is indeed the biggest culprit. Hence the need for e-governance.

The third set of targeted reforms suggested by Professor Rahman in this book includes measures to restore people's faith in the judiciary, to improve public order and to promote human rights. There is, therefore, an imperative of establishing human rights commission immediately. The separation of judiciary from executive, which has just been effected was also high in the agenda of Professor Rahman's reform list. He has provided detailed prescriptions on how to improve institutional capacities in Bangladesh in his concluding chapter. The suggestions encompass all aspects of governance. Starting with ensuring safety and security of the nation including that of individuals and their properties, the author also provides in-depth policy suggestions on promoting economic growth with employment for the young and educated, establishing and promoting politics of stability and compromise and finally reforming governance in lines with democratic values, structures and processes. Recent Bangladesh is the best example of how the non-compromising postures of contending political parties can lead to a stalemate which can only be overcome by a forceful external intervention.

Each and every sub-theme has been further elaborated and appropriate policy directions have been made by the author. In the epilogue he has been saddened by the confrontational politics and urged all parties to be more compromising. He finally put a lot of hope on the voters who if can vote will help find the right type of leadership in the next election. In between a lot of water has flown through the Ganges and Brahmaputra and Bangladesh is again at a critical cross-roads. Many of the reforms that Professor Rahman dreamt of are already in the process of implementation. In particular, the election commission

has been totally reorganised and it is preparing itself to undertake major reforms in our electoral system so that democracy is firmly footed in Bangladesh. The Representation of People Order 1972 is being reviewed by the Election Commission for further improvement. Simultaneously, the AntiCorruption Commission has also been reorganised and it has already started showing its teeth. The new chairman of the ACC has already promised to remove the curse of corruption from the nation's forehead. Hopefully, this CTG will take similar moves in reforming the Public Service Commissions and other regulatory commissions as well so that these institutions too can rise up to the occasions and provide desirable public services to the people who have been duped earlier.

As noted by Professor Rahman the political parties should also review their structural and human deficiencies, and start appropriate reforms so that politics becomes once again an honoured engagement. The bad coins were almost driving out the good ones from Bangladesh politics. Suddenly, things have started moving in the opposite direction. Professor Rahman must have been quite happy to see the change in political wind in Bangladesh. However, we must also remember that democracy cannot be made sustainable by wholesale undermining of the politicians. We must give full support to the honest and well-meaning politicians and yet despise the corrupt and godfather-like politicians. Again, we should also remember that politicians alone have not created this mess. The vested interests also include corrupt and opportunistic bureaucrats and businessmen. So reforms have to focus on all these groups as well. Again the governance system has not been functioning to stop this slide. Hence the reform. Policy makers would do well to read this significant book by Professor ATR Rahman and make best use of the well laid out reform proposals included in it.

Dr. Atiur Rahman is Professor of Development Studies, Dhaka University, and Chairman, Unnayan Shamannay.