oNE of the advisors of the caretaker government (CTG) had assured us of the light at the end of the dark tunnel. Another adviser reminded us of many tunnels -- not just one -- till the election is done. The same advisor possibly warned us against leaving any room for

complacency resulting from his colleague's comment. But, be it one tunnel or many, it is the president who has led us into the dark tunnels. Let us test the hypotheses one by one.

Notwithstanding the constitutional validity of his assumption of power as CTG chief, Dr Iajuddin Ahmed made the first serious mistake by monopolizing the major ministries, and, thus, showing little trust in his council of advisors. Even the education ministry was kept under him, paving the way for massive recruitment in educational institutions, especially in the universities. It may be mentioned here that the erstwhile government had appointed most of the heads of these institutions.

It would, perhaps, be pertinent on the part of the CTG to issue an order withholding all appointments during the tenure of the CTG. Again, it took a long time regarding transfers of key officials -- a preliminary task of any CTG after assumption of power. The enquiry of the "Uttara conspiracy" seems to be on its way to the shelf to shelter the culprits. But common sense tells us that those officials should be barred from being active during election time.

Perhaps the president could have plugged some of the holes by inculcating team spirit in the cabinet, following the tune of the past CTGs. No doubt he has a bunch of efficient and energetic advisors waiting for full utilization of their potential. only very recently, we notice that he had started to work -- perhaps by force rather than by choice -- in a spirit of cooperation with his council of advisors. The light was looming large at the end of the long tunnel.

But the light lasted only for a

while. No sooner had the advisors reached an acceptable solution to the current conundrum, then the president put a spanner in the works. Mention may be made of the mini-package programs for the solution. Earlier, the president brought in two highly politicized personalities as commissioners in the EC, to public wrath. Thus, the looming light turned into a perennial plight for the public. Now everything seems to be stalled because of an unwillingness to reconstitute the EC. The 14-party alliance and others have rightly been raising the issue of overhauling the EC in right earnest.

The supporters of the BNP-Jamaat axis argue that the 2001 general election was held under an EC constituted by the then Awami League (AL) government, and hence, AL should have also accepted the present EC constituted by the previous government. But, delving into the dynamics would reveal that the present EC has lost credibility through its

unconstitutional and politicized activities and not because of the way it was created.

The CEC (on leave) MA Aziz prepared a massively maligned voter list with support from two the commissioners, SM Zakaria and Mahfuzur Rahman. Everyone, including the highest court of the country, decried that voter list. Second, after the verdict from the court, the EC declined to visit door to door for updating the voter list. Rather, the EC asked the voters to go to specified places to enlist their names. Third, rejecting the claims from all corners, the EC sat on the voter list and vehemently argued against its updating. Sometimes, shortage of time was shown as a cause.

But when NDI showed the faults and the US embassy asked for a revision, the EC has now decided to update the voter list. one could conclude that the present EC headed by Justice Mahfuzur Rahman deliberately killed time to suit the interest of a

particular political party. Therefore, it is not because the EC was constituted by the BNP-Jamaat alliance that the fire was sparked off , but it was the mistakes made by the EC that turned the popular tide against it.

The argument that the 14-party alliance is raising issues one after another to create confusion also does not seem to hold water. one should judge whether their demands are valid in the quest for a free and fair election. The earlier CTGs had sailed off peacefully because the president of the country and the chief of CTG were two separate persons: the former being political and the latter being neutral. This time, the president was drawn into the picture to represent the interest of a particular political party, which he belongs to.

The 14-party alliance made a good gesture by requesting the chief of CTG to show his neutrality within a time frame. Unfortunately, the president of the country paid no heed to their request. Instead, by words and deeds, the CTG turned out to be increasingly tilted towards holding an election under a hierarchy left by the erstwhile government. For example, the president's midnight speech to the nation bypassed the consensus of the advisors and reflected the wishes of his unofficial advisors from a particular bhaban. In fact, his speech could not assure us of any light at the end of the tunnel, quite the opposite.

But, better late than never. We expect that the president will work

in consultation with the official advisors to be in line with the constitution, and arrange an environment for a neutral, free and fair election. As a president he is political, but as chief of CTG he should display his sense of neutrality, that is yet to be seen, to the public to take them into confidence. To this effect, the EC should be reconstituted very soon with non-partisan persons so that the nation can witness a much-awaited free, fair and neutral election. The CTG has to see that all political parties participate in the coming election in a celebratory mood.

There is no doubt that the economy is seriously suffering due to the current political crisis. It is unfortunate that, unlike in the past, the economy is witnessing a serious blow during the tenure of the current CTG. And all the suffering and suffocation seem to originate from the demand for a neutral, free and fair general election which has to be delivered by the government. We fervently hope that the sufferings should subside within the shortest possible time, with good wishes from the president. Let us wait to see the light at the end of the tun-nel(s), and request the president to take measures that would reduce the public's plight.

Abdul Bayes is Professor of Economics at Jahangirnagar University.