& çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð

Why are the US and China both courting India?

M Abdul hafiz
No country can indeed be great on the strength of others' benediction. Nor can any bargain be worthwhile if it desecrates a nation's soul. india will attain greatness perhaps only by its own toil and resolve. And there are decades to go before india can surmount its people's poverty and deprivation and become a more equitable society before engaging the world in leadership stakes. The indian leadership is well aware that there is no shortcuts or crutches for greatness.***
BEHIND the facade of a new strategy for "long term US engagements with the South Asian region" her unusual urgency in building up a "strategic relation with India" has surprised few. There had already been an intriguing nexus between BJP-ruled India and Bush administration forming a Delhi-Washington-Tel Aviv axis. The nexus gained a fresh momentum with the neo-cons' growing desire to bring India within the fold of their oft-expressed policy of containing China. It is no secret that the neo-con cold warriors see China as the only strategic rival of the US and want to draw India into a military alliance against it. No wonder when asked whether the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice meant what she had stated in Delhi that "the US policy was to help India become a major world power in the 21st century" the State Department emphasised that "Washington understands fully the implication of that statement". Clearly it is this American policy of encircling China, the United States needs India to complete the circle while some of the US' staunchest allies like South Korea, Japan and Australia already obstruct any of China's outward thrust in AsiaPacific.
Alarmed by the US designs and recent developments in the neighbourhood China has been earnestly mending fences with the immediate neighbours. As a part of it the Chinese Prime Minister recently undertook a high profile visit to Delhi to totally erase the bitterness that was created in the wake of 1962 Sino-Indian border war. The growing rapprochment between the Asian giants is already some years old but has gathered momentum in recent time and has gone far beyond the expectations of most political observers especially when it is recalled that India's Defence Minister George Fernandes spoke of 'Chinese threat to justify Pokhran-II as late as in May 1998.
Overcoming those bitterness last month the Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao significantly "refused to let questions left over by the history disrupt and impede Sino-Indian bilateral relationship. It is viewed by the observers as historic. During the Chinese Prime Minister's visit both sides signed as many as twelve accords -- the most important being the accord or meaningful and mutually acceptable adjustments at disputed points along 5000 km long border. The joint statement after the visit indicated a 'breakthrough' at long last in Sino-Indian relations when it spoke of two sides being convinced that an early settlement of border question would advance the basic interests of the two sides and should therefore be pursued as a strategy objective.
The tone and tenor of Delhi talk in which China was more enthusiastic partner suggest that China would eventually acknowledge Indian sovereignty over the Kingdom of Sikkim and 35,000 sqkm of Himalayan territory that falls in Indian state of Arunachal. In exchange India would give up its policy of supporting Tibetan freedom struggle. The bilateral trade that is presently less than $3bn is expected to grow tenfold within a decade -- thanks to Chinese desire that its hardware experts join hand with Indian software experts to capture the international IT market.
The urgency with which China approached the resolution of Sino-Indian differences couldn't be without compelling reasons. The gradual deterioration in China's relationship with Tokyo, the developments in Asia-Pacific leading to her growing isolation and the US targetting her for containment -- all combined to convince China that her salvation lay in her being able to dissuade India to participate in US' containment policy. But before that India must be won over and convinced of the danger of such policy -apparently a cold war legacy.
Both the US and China are vying with each other to get India on their side to fulfil their purpose. Both are promoting peace and detente in South Asia but from different perspectives. The US is urging subcontinent's arch rivals to bury the hatchet and develop better bilateral relations through a composite dialogue which is already underway. Washington wants India to play a role in containing China and does not want Pakistan to bind one of India's hands. Instead it favours a rapproachment between the two neighbours to enable India to play her role effectively. Washington also wants Pakistan to be free from Indo-Pak grid lock to continue playing her role in the West's war on terror. There is no similar US prescription for India and China who seem to be pushed by her towards a collision course.
How will India react to the situation where the world's sole superpower is wooing her and also the country's once estranged neighbour is extending the hand of friendship and cooperation? The Indians have reasons to be elated at the development but they are matured enough to choose and pick the options presented before them. The American offer to India comes with a flattering postcript while Washington's largesse to Pakistan is aimed at shoring up Islamabad's resolve to fight foreign terrorists and domestic extremists. Even as New Delhi worries over the impact of F-16 to Pakistan India takes the whole affair with a measure of non-chalance. Instead of India grabbing the tempting offer of F-18s there has, at the best, been a division in the elite opinion in India.
A section in India seems to be in favour of growing tall in the shadow of Uncle Sam while others count the Cost: a diminution of India's status, the enormous cost of setting up facilities for the new breed of aircraft and India turning its back on its friends in the developed and developing world. India seems to realise that the military aircraft deal is tricky indeed because it represents much more than buying fighter jets. It would represent a long term dependency on the US and it would, by the same token negate the country's pattern of primary reliance on Russian equipment leavened with military supplies from France and other European countries. In other words, in a deal with US India would say goodbye to its multi-polar view of the world. Not surprisingly the Indian cabinet has already approved the purchase of second hand Mirage 2000 from Qatar in place of US-offered fighter aircraft along with licence to manufacture themin India.
India is after all too big and too proud to be someone's catspaw. India, since independence, had world view of its own and capability to chart its own course. The similar goodies offered once before by John Foster Dulles to enlist Nehru in the rank of cold-warrior and crusader against communism were spurned by India despite cost. True to that tradition, India imbued with Bandung spirit of the fifties and the principle of Panchsheel can hardly move against a great neighbour. Neither can she be lured by a vague aura of greatness in 21st century with American benediction. Nor will she trim her policy to suit the American dream of running a second Roman empire.
No country can indeed be great on the strength of others' benediction. Nor can any bargain be worthwhile if it desecrates a nation's soul. India will attain greatness perhaps only by its own toil and resolve. And there are decades to go before India can surmount its people's poverty and deprivation and become a more equitable society before engaging the world in leadership stakes. The Indian leadership is well aware that there is no shortcuts or crutches for greatness.
Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.