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No other alternative but SAARC
THE postponing of the 13th SAARC Summit has exposed once again the fragile foundation on which South Asian unity is trying to build its edifice. The Bangladesh Foreign Office, responsible for coordinating the Conference, reacted in the expected manner. Strong words were used to refute Indian charges. We disagreed with the Indian contention, termed it 'unacceptable' and 'rejected outright' that there was any cause for India to be gravely concerned or be troubled about what is happening in India's neighbourhood.
India has been hasty in taking its decision, particularly in view of the fact that Bangladesh had taken special measures to ensure security and safety of all participants in the Summit Meeting. However, can we really say that they have no right to take cognisance of external events and their security implications? Have we forgotten how President Clinton's itinerary in Bangladesh was re-scheduled at the last moment?
What disappoints me however are the accusations and mudslinging that have been going on since the postponement of the Summit Meeting. Responsible Ministers and political party affiliates of the ruling Administration have been suggesting that the Awami League is responsible for such a postponement. They have gone on
record and pointed out that the hartals called for by the Awami League were principally aimed at destabilising the Summit. This indeed is most strange. Do we really think that the political machinery of India can be so easily influenced by a political party in another country? The Indian authorities took note of what has been happening in Nepal and Bangladesh and then decided to attend the Summit Conference at a later date when things are more stable in the region. It was obviously India's own decision dictated by
their own strategic priorities.
It was consequently important that the Awami League General Secretary clarified on 4 February that the Awami League viewed such postponement with 'sadness' and that their 'movement was not against SAARC,' but against 'the misrule' of the current government. This should dispel unnecessary confusion.
The Indian government's assessment might not have been right, but this is not the first time that unilateral decisions have led to the postponement of SAARC Summits. Major Indian daily newspapers have already been critical of their government's decision. The "Indian Express" has commented that New Delhi seems to have acted more out of panic than a well thought out strategy. More important, they have noted that by such action 'we have
also frittered away an opportunity to improve relations with Bangladesh.' In this context, they have also pointed out that such a step was contrary to the recent positive sign where Bangladesh had indicated its willingness to discuss a gas pipeline from Myanmar, passing through Bangladesh, to India.
Let us look at the positive side. Twelve Summits have been held since the inception of SAARC in 1985. This is despite the strained relationship that has existed between India and Pakistan. It is also not so unfavourable when
compared to ASEAN, which started 38 years ago in 1967 and has since then held 10 Summits.
We must not forget the bigger picture. The Summit has been postponed. It has not been cancelled. It will entail administrative difficulties, extra expenditure and additional effort on the part of Bangladesh. So what? I am sure that we can rise over such minor difficulties.
We have to work towards the convening of the 13th SAARC Summit with renewed vigour. The 11th SAARC Summit held in Kathmandu paved the way for the thawing of relations between India and Pakistan. It was further improved in Islamabad during the 12th SAARC Summit. This growth of understanding helped the Member States to recognise the logic of shared economic benefit. It assisted in bridging
the gap created by divisiveness of political rivalry.
It was this spirit of cooperation that enabled Member States to agree on the establishment of a SAARC Economic Council, SAARC Infrastructure Fund, South Asian Parliamentary Forum and the proposal to create a Fund worth US Dollars 100 million for poverty reduction programmes in countries other than India. These are significant initiatives and suitable least common denominators for regional understanding.
SAARC leaders now realise that
contentious issues have to be tackled in a friendly and supportive environment. The Indian Prime Minister is internationally respected for his wisdom and honesty. I am sure that he will also understand the need to take a more flexible approach. The SAARC Charter restricts discussion of bilateral issues in the Summit. There is however the prospect of meetings on the sidelines. This offers leaders a good opportunity to discuss sensitive topics. India may be upset over what is happening in Nepal. This however should not persuade it to forego the chance of meeting the Nepali leadership on neutral ground, and explaining to them India's anxieties. I would have thought that such an arrangement would be preferable for both parties.
Similarly, India's apprehension about security can be addressed by
coming to Dhaka and sharing with the Bangladesh government its concerns. It needs to be accepted that insecurity evoked from terrorist acts have to be dealt with on a regional basis. This will be consistent with the view that dealing with terrorist acts on an individual country basis might not be the best solution. There have already been reports of how perpetrators of violence in one country have sought refuge and found sanctuary in another. Cooperation in this regard will facilitate investigation, inquiry and eventual extradition measures.
There are many areas of convergence in the SAARC process. It is therefore important that we try to strengthen mutually reinforcing measures and take effective steps towards concrete cooperation.
Nowhere is this more desirable than in the arena of trade. Boosting intra-regional trade through the successful conclusion of SAFTA is a paramount need. This will effectively tackle the undesirable elements of informal trade and trade routed through third countries. Economic integration and harmonisation in rules, rates, procedures, duality control and measurement, simplification of customs procedures and documentation will facilitate intra-regional trade. This in turn will generate employment and provide opportunities for regional economic growth.
Emphasis on resolving the trade
question will also assist in poverty reduction within the region. We must not forget that poverty leads to suspicion and mistrust. The Nepalese Ambassador in Dhaka has correctly remarked the other day that poverty reduction can be made meaningful only through a holistic and sustained approach so that the poor and the destitute can be brought within the mainstream of development.
This is also the suitable forum for overcoming the difficulties that Member States are facing not only with regard to transportation, transit and communication links across the region but also pertaining to a trans-border power grid. These are elements which are vital for accelerated and balanced economic growth.
It must be understood that there is no alternative to a successful SAARC.
This postponement has highlighted once again political realities. Nevertheless, a collective response is needed to bring SAARC back on track.
The new Secretary General of the SAARC Secretariat (from Bhutan), who is expected to take over very soon from the present Secretary General (from Bangladesh), needs to discuss with the South Asian leadership the formulation of a mechanism whereby Summits can be held with unfailing regularity as in the case of the European Union. He will also have to ascertain how greater resources can be made available from the region for the SAARC Secretariat. This will be required to enhance the Secretariat's professional and functional capacities and facilitate meaningful inter-action with other international organisations.
Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador -- any response to mzamir@dhaka.net.