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The tasks for our free people

Muhammad Nurul Huda
RECENT events around us will surely compel concerned citizens to ask
whether our hard-earned freedom's foundation will last. The question is: are we going down? The area of concern is the internal stability of our country in the background of a scenario marked by the highest level of general political violence that includes demonstrations, clashes, internal armed attacks, and attempts at assassinations. The concern assumes significance on account of the economic floundering, political unrest, constitutional erosion, and moral degradation in public life. We may take comfort in the fact that the unrest is worldwide, but it would be unwise to deny or ignore that we have a sizable problem at hand.
The resilience of democratic polity varies from place to place and the timing of political breakdown depends upon the strength of political institutions. Our political institutions have not, unfortunately, acquired sufficient durability through either experience or tradition. This is a sad reality with which we have to grapple. We have an economy that cannot meet the rising expectations of the people along with fragile institutions and a constitution that is bent by the whims of the ruling party.
Cracks in the institutions
Our economic hardships would have been less unbearable if our basic freedoms were not eroded, the strength of our public life not sapped, and our public life not degraded. We have subordinated the individual to the state so extensively that, barring some honourable exceptions, the nation is now made up of one-dimensional men. We do not realise that the dwarfing of the individual by the state will only help in the mushrooming of spineless characters who, needless to emphasise, will not produce anything of substance. We have deval-
ued the judiciary, as we have devalued every other important institution. We have not defended our judges against political pressures and threats, and we have also not insisted upon integrity and impartiality in judicial appointments. At the same time, we have permitted the executive to supersede judges on not very cogent grounds. The causes of our malaise are moral, political, and constitutional, and they have to be recognised as such.
Lawlessness and the cost We are continuing to bear the increasing cost of crime control and lawlessness. Our resources are
limited. We do not have adequate money for universal primary educa-
tion, basic health cover, adequate water supply, and sanitation. Our productive base is not expanding. We are caught in a vicious cycle. Because of increasing lawlessness, investment in desired quantum is not coming from foreign or local sources, and when investment is not taking place, unemployment is bound to increase, giving rise to further lawlessness. We are suffering from acute myopia. We do not have the capacity to see the whole picture, nor the courage to take bold decisions. Increasing lawlessness and a high crime rate is the result of disempowerment of the people, rising poverty and rampant unemployment. Our dilemma is that we treat it as a law and order problem and try to solve it as such.
Democracy and the intellectual
While it is true that in a democracy the majority view should prevail, we are, however, continuously making
the mistake of believing that the validity of a proposition depends on the number of people who believe in it. Unfortunately, the truth is not coming home to us that in the fields of politics and economics, the soundness of a belief is often in inverse proportion to the popular support it commands. So what we need today more than anything else is moral leadership -- founded on courage, intellectual integrity, and a sense of values. We are surrounded by too many persons who are willing to compromise and temporise. The treason of our intellectuals consists in their not speaking out loud and clear for the values that they, by their vision and the very nature of their personalities, hold sacred. What is
needed is the resolute courage to stand up and be counted in support of a view which is not popular.
Values and quality of life
We are oblivious of the reality that without acquiring an understanding of and a lively feeling for values we cannot grow as a society of harmoniously developed individuals. We cannot live by the gross national product only. In a democratic polity, the quality of life is to a large extent determined by the availability of the basic human rights and civil liberties which are placed in the chapter on fundamental rights in our constitution. Our constitution-framers were far-sighted in guaranteeing these fundamental rights to our people because without this guarantee the quality of our life would be seriously impaired. The tragedy befalling us is that while striving to raise the standard of living of our people, we are losing the sensitivity towards the quality of life. Consequently, while
our knowledge or range of information is increasing, our ignorance is not diminishing. We forget that the inner strength of our people is our age-old tradition of religious and spiritual values which enable them to hold their heads high despite the climatic adversity and the ravages of rootless leaders. As of now, we definitely have a danger of losing that richness of our values while failing to shed poverty.
The way ahead: Moderation and compromise
When we live in a democracy, we live in hazard. Democracy involves the cooperation of all perceptive citizens in the real work of managing the country. It means payment to the
state, not only in taxes but in time and thought. In Bangladesh today we need very large doses of the spirit of moderation. Our leaders must have that temper which does not press a partisan advantage to its bitter end, which can understand and respect the other side and which fosters a unity between all citizens. This temper must abhor fanaticism. Let us understand that democracy depends upon habits of consent and compromise which are attributes of mature societies. Let us remember that the lawful government by the majority, under the rule of abiding law, and with freedom of opposition and dissent is the real goal the nation should strive, for a richer and fuller life. Let us not lose sight of the fact that where the spirit of moderation does not prevail, society degenerates into divisions and hatred replaces goodwill.
The citizen's responsibility
In Bangladesh today, when we are moving on the escalator of corruption and disorder, thinking citizens cannot afford to lay frozen in disgust and dismay. We can not merely look upon the political developments in sorrow and upon our politicians in anger. The problem facing the country has to be solved without delay. In fact, we are racing against time. A problem avoided turns into a crisis; and the crisis not managed can turn into a disaster further down the road. It is time the honest and knowledgeable citizens of our society decide to opt into the democratic process which, unfortunately, they have avoided for so long. They must devote themselves to the task of educating public opinion and the
younger in age among them should stand for election in large numbers.
Every democratic society needs to have an aristocracy of talent, knowledge, and character. It is this aristocracy which must take to public life, however discriminatory and unpleasant it may sound, if democracy is to have a solid foundation in Bangladesh. We have to go all out to accord the highest recognition to ability, knowledge, and integrity. Our constitution was framed on the basis that our citizens, including the best, would be willing to take a continuous and meaningful part in public life. So if the thoughtful and the committed fail the country at this juncture, the next alternative would be to invite extraconstitutional authoritarianism of the worst type.
The time has come when citizens must wrest the leadership from the less committed professional politicians and insist upon persons of
knowledge, vision, and character to be chosen as candidates for parliamentary and local body election. Such persons can usher in a government which will be strong without being authoritarian and humane without being weak. Singapore is a most striking example of how fast a nation can progress when its cabinet is composed of outstanding talents. We have to understand the difference between a minister selected for his political cunning and a minister of high mental and moral calibre.
There is a deep-felt need for an intelligent and adequate organisation of voters. There should be a citizens' council in every constituency, consisting of impartial nonparty individuals who would appraise the candidates on their merit and ability so that the voters are not duped by unscrupulous rabble-rousers. Our people must be helped to cast off the shackles of political feudalism. It is pathetic to see the servile behaviour of our people towards the ministers and legislators. They should be enabled to control the government instead of being dominated. Finally, let us remember that a bad government is the inevitable consequence of an indifferent electorate. Politics will never be cleaner and our economic future will never be brighter unless and until our citizens are willing to give of themselves to the land which gave them birth. Our present situation has turned into a vicious circle. Persons of talent and integrity will not enter public life because of filth and stench; and yet public life cannot be cleansed unless persons of talent and integrity enter it. Let us try to do something and fail, rather than try to do nothing and hope to succeed. For a healthy and clean polity, the period of gestation will prove lengthy and the achievements painfully long but there could not be a worthier course to embark upon.
Muhammad Nurul Huda is former Inspector General of Police and Secretary to the Government.