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Opinion

Reflections on Bangladesh

Kuldip Nayar
THE anti-India feeling in Bangladesh is so strong that you can taste it. When even Sheikh Hasina, considered New Delhi's friend, refuses to preside over the launching of a book, commending India's contribution to the liberation of Bangladesh, the situation should cause concern. While in Dhaka, I was reminded of what people told me at Lahore and Islamabad after East Pakistan had seceded from West Pakistan: Hum ne dolak baja ke dekh li hai; tum bhi dekh lo (We have experienced how the drum sounds, its your turn now). Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, whom I met, had a curious explanation for the anti-India feeling. She said that since people in Bangladesh hated Sheikh Hasina
and her party, the Awami League, they automatically hated India because "you are their friends. " Law Minister Moudud Ahmed expressed the same sentiments. It seemed as if the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) had a planned strategy to whip up anti-India feeling so as to cover up its government's mis-performance. Since Jamat-e-Islami is a coalition partner, it has used the antiIndia feeling to stoke the fires of fundamentalism. In fact, two Jamat ministers, holding charge of agriculture and social welfare separately, are all over Bangladesh, with their party cadres and welfare officers, to sow the seeds of bias and prejudice. The one lakh-plus Ahmadiyya community is their special target. The Jamat wants it to be declared a non-Muslim minority as has
been done by Pakistan. The Jamat also feels proud that the name of Dhaka airport is written in Arabic, apart from English and Bengali.
The Jamat's relentless effort to 'Islamise' Bangladesh has already taken shape. A fanatic Bangla Bhai, who is indulging in violence against the so-called leftists, has killed eight. He is said to have links with Al-Qaeda. Bhangla Bhai's Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), belatedly noticed by the Khalida government, has opened camps to train their cadres at Bagmara, Durgapur, Atrai, and Nalanda.
New Delhi considers the developments a threat to its security, and has reportedly told so to Bangladesh Foreign Minister Morshed Khan when he was recently at Delhi. He, in turn, is
said to have drawn India's attention to a list of "escaped criminals" which Dhaka had forwarded to Delhi, a quid-pro-quo of sorts. Sheikh Hasina, extremely worried over the future of Bangladesh, feels helpless. "What can I do?" she asks. "Those who have brought Khaleda to power should have known the repercussions. They are the ones who must think of a way out." The Awami League has practically boycotted parliament since the formation of the BNP government. The former Prime Minister blames the Khaleda government for allowing the communal forces to become stronger. Her argument is that the BNP would rather have fundamentalists ruling the country than the Awami League. She also blames New Delhi for the present state of affairs and accuses it for
"helping Khaleda." Her dislike for the Bangladesh Prime Minister is pathological and so is Khaleda's dislike for Hasina. No third group is emerging and I feel that Bangladesh will go from one lady to another for many years to come. Both are in their mid-50s.
I found the donor countries agitated. They felt concerned after the recent attack on the British High Commissioner at the Hazrat Shah Jalal shrine in Sylhet. Although Bangladesh has maintained a growth rate of five per cent, it is afraid that the antiIndia feeling would make cooperation with New Delhi more difficult besides telling upon Dhaka's economic future. I found Khaleda favouring transshipment, not transit--some progress. Things would have looked still gloomier if elections in India had not lifted the pall of
darkness. The polls have done what hundreds of goodwill delegations would have failed to do. India is cynosure of Bangladesh and talked in superlatives about its democratic and secular credentials. "Great elections, great people, great leaders," an editor of a leading daily from Dhaka emailed me.
I found the comments still more effusive when I reached there. Sonia Gandhi is their icon. Atal Behari Vajpayee has gone a peg down--only a peg. The Bangladeshis never get tired of telling that only a country like India could have at the helm a Muslim as the President, a Sikh as the Prime Minister, and a Roman Catholic as the chief of the ruling United Progressive Alliance.
Our elections have done one
thing more: they are converting the feeling of bias and prejudice against us into admiration and even adulation. I found people looking towards India with envy and hope. I feel that this is an opportune time to harness the goodwill that the polls have generated. I recall the Bangladesh liberation days when the camaraderie was oozing out and the two countries were preparing blueprints for an integrated development. It looks as if the same atmosphere of friendship is ushering in.
"After many years the train has arrived," said a senior Bangladesh minister. "If not boarded now, it would not come again." My feeling is that we can prove to them that India is there to help in their progress and development. Why not allow the Bangladeshi products to come to India free of
duty? Today our official trade is worth $1 billion as against $60 million of theirs. Non-official trade is said to be $2 billion in favour of India.
If we could give the Bangladeshis more purchasing power, the trade would be proportionately higher. Illegal migration might stop because people would find work in their own country. Dhaka seems prepared for the gas-based joint industrial collaborations to set the ball rolling. Is South Block listening? I am convinced after my five-day stay at Dhaka that India's generous and realistic attitude towards Bangladesh can help us fight the anti-India feeling there.
Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.