The fourteenth amendment of the Constitution introduced provision for 45 reserved seats for women for 10 years, which attracts sharp and swift reaction from many stakeholders. While the concerned quarters are demanding for direct election of women MPs, the present amendment instead calls for distribution of these reserved seats among political patties on the basis of proportional representation in the Parliament. A new .Article 65(3) along with amendment in the Fourth Schedule hits the most-talked issue of women representation in the House of the Nation.

In 1972 our constitution started its Journey with a traditional provision of 15 reserved seats for women MPs for 10 years. The Fifth .Amendment (1979) Increased the number from 15 to 30 and period was extended from lOto 15 years. This period expired on lODecember. 1987 and as such the Fourth Parliament (1988) had no reserved seats for women. The Tenth Amendment (1990) provided for 30 reserved women seats for a further period of 10 years beginning the commencement of the next parliament. This period also expired on 5 April 2001 and consequently we witness 8th parliament with landslide decrease in the total number of women MPs. If we count women's reserved seats along with general seats, increased women participation is evident in the Parliament except in the 8th & 4th

parliament. The figure Illustrates the presence of women MPs in the parliament

Though women constitute half of our population, they are in a disadvantaged position and their status is unequal with that of men. Various attempts have been made to uplift their status by ensuring their meaningful involvement in the policy making process as well as other socioeconomic measures. The purpose of art 65 (3) is to ensure a minimum representation of women in the legislative process and to ensure a better participation of women In national politics. The noble philosophy behind the incorporation of such provision has become meaningless due to selection process of women MPs. The selection of women MPs worked as a balance of power and party having majority in parliament used them as tools to serve their political purpose. For instance, in 1991. BNP having simple major it)* used these seats as a tool to achieve its absolute majority paving its way to go to power. And It was possible for Ershad to pass the Seventh Amendment to the constitution using the women MPs.

The present provision of proportional representation among political parties is a step forward than the previous one. To many, it is better than the worst, as it restricts the party having majority to take all. In other respect, new proposition is same wine in the new bottle. In this process, party allegiance and lobbying with the party high command will be sole criterion for selection. Again women MPs will be puppets In

the pursuit of political gain of parties. In this system there will no particular women's constituency and therefore, will lack geographical representation. In addition, proportional representation of women MPs is not based on the total number of popular votes, rather than on the number of MPs of political parties. The proposal does not conform to the one of the most basic sprit of democracy dir eci election.

In praciice. selective MPs suffer from Inferiority complex regarding status, rights and responsibilities. After all. the new model will in no way infuse new blood in the empow er merit process of women. Because these 45 women will really represent none but the party which will select them.

There is an undercurrent of demand for direct election and substantial increase of women representation in the House of the Nation, on the part of the stakeholders. All major political parties promised direct election of more women MPs in their eleclion manifestoes. It is unfortunate that BNP is deviating from itselection pledge.

It is pertinent to note that women's active participation in the Parliament is mostlv dependent on the proper functioning of the House Itself. It is irony of our fate that not a single Parliament so far has been centre of democratic norms and praciice. Our nascent parliamentary democracy is tainted with unnecessary walkout, boycott by the opposition, and treasury bench has never been enthusiastic with the presence of opposition in the House. Asa result, streets instead of parliament, have become centre of all activities of democracy here, and we are moving towards confrontational politics gradually. Consequently, we aiv still languishing behind sweepingcorruption, waves ofcrimes and acute lawlessness.

.Among the various way's of electing representatives, direct eleclion soul of democracy is most logical. The govt, has discarded this norm terming It impractical' as a single women seat consists of multiple constituencies. But this is a lame excuse to introduce a controversial alternative which in no way will improve the condition of women. The Modern democracies are based on party system. Then a woman candidate will clearly be supported by her fellow comrades in a big constituency. All major political parties will nominate candidates to 45 seats and. more women will be in the electoral process which will ensure better selection of candidates. The general voters may examine the performance of their leaders. It will increase the presence of women in party structure and national politico This will ultimately mature the women leadership in the country.

The active and constructive participation of women in the political process has empty been demonstrated by the fact that attempt has been made to increase the number of women reserved seats. There Is growing trend of more women representation In various local bodies as well. But debate remains as to their effective participation in the parliament rather than to be puppet's as selective members of political parties. One way of improving leadership and managerial capacity of women should necessarily include direct election of 45 reserved seats in the Parliament, that the govt, as well as the opposition should take Initiative to make the parliament effective.

Hussan M FazU Ban a an ad vacate.