****The Congress paid a huge price in the past for playing footsie with Hindutva. It would be suicidal for it to repeat that error. If it chooses secularism and rejects jingoism, it has v bright future.

Or else, it becomes the IMP's “ll” team.***

LAST fortnight, the Indian National Congress suddenly got lucky, and then again, unlucky. From its decade-long wilderness In Bihar. It found itself bang Inside the government. In Pondicherry too. It was catapulted into power.

But it emerged from the Ra-jya Sabha elections looking demoralised, if not mauled The cross-voting In Uttar Pradesh. West Bengal and Orissa showed that the central leaders' writ docs not run in the states.

In Bihar, the Congress did not split — largely because all its MLAs were offered ministerships. Pondicherry highlighted the leadership's limitations starkly when its nominee P. Shanmugham was attacked by dissidents.

The Congress Rajya Sabha candidates' selection was clearly problematic, with senior. loyal leaders like Mr Sitaram Kesri being dropped. Even “social engineering". In favour of Dalit nominees, does not explain its rationale.

The only major gainers In the selection are Messrs Arjun Singh and V. George. If the objective of "social engineering" was to give a plebeian image to the Congress, then it was defeated by the nomination of wealthy Industrialist R.P. Goenka and Mr Dasari Narayana Rao. a producer of sleazy films. This does not speak of balanced, mature, decision-making. but of irra-UOAiJ fear °* *wea^ political

Rather than give the party clear direction. Ms Gandhi Is being guided by a small group. The dynamics of small darbarl groups are different from those of “broad-canvas" politics involving social classes. Small-group dynamics are driven by inter-personal equations, access. and Individual abilities.

Broad-politics dynamics have to do with social coalition-building. People who are good at one function may be poor at the other. Good leadership lies in recognising and tapping both.

If Ms Gandhi reUes excessively on small groups, she won t grasp the three lessons which recent developments hold. First, the BJP is highly vulnerable on its RSS links. The RSS Is its progenitor, ideological mentor and organisational controller. But the RSS link Is also acutely embarrass-

ing. The RSS cannot live down its fascist Ideology and organisation. its inspirational role behind Gandhi's assassination, or Its venomous Hindu rashtra agenda.

A major democratic gain is that the Opposition and the NDA's "secular" parties forced the BJP to rescind the Gujarat order permitting employees to Join the RSS. The Congress has gained in prestige by confronting the RSS. It must now pursue the sangh relentlessly on other Issues — e.g. K 11R, curriculum revision. U.P.'s Places of Worship Bill, etc.

A second lesson: the Congress gains the most when it joins hands with other secular forces. Often, it Is the others, especially the Left, which have the better arguments.

This means the Congress must give up the Pachmarlii ghost and stop deluding itself that the era of coalitions Is only a "passing phase" and "we will come back again with full force and on our own steam '.

Coalition politics has grown because of regionalisation and self-assertion of underprivileged groups which want direct self-representation. The Congress Is not about to return to power with “full force". It Is undergoing slow, halting, revival, nut the process Is reversible.

The third lesson: the Congress's rejuvenation Is only possible if it establishes an organic relationship with the people on the basis of their needs. Even Mr Kapil Sibal admits of a “dichotomy" between people and party. The middle class cannot be a substitute for the masses. For much of It. the BJP is already the preferred party.

The Congress must recognise that the “natural" centre of gravity of politics lies to Its left. It cannot afford the luxury of elitist neo-liberal policies. It has rightly criticised the NDA for raising food prices by 70 per cent, and removing restrictions on imports of 1,429 commodities from the US. including Jowar and bajra. which can ruin millions.

However, the Congress must enunciate its own economic agenda. Similarly, on non-alignment and nuclear disar-

moment, it must take a principled stand.

The Congress Is under pressure to do the opposite. Some ol Its leaders capitulate to Hindutva temptations, or display a pro-Bomb orientation. An example is Mr Pranab Mukherjee's wrong statement that Ms Gandhi told President Clinton that the Congress wants a "minimum nuclear deterrent."

This Is Incompatible with the party's commitment to the 1988 Rajiv Gandhi disarmament plan and its opposition to nuclear deployment

Hawkish but politically Irrelevant “leaders" like Mr Mukherjee are distorting the Congress' stand. This Is an unflattering comment on the leadership. Earlier, the Congress criticised the nuclear tests. Now, It has diluted its stand by calling for "a consensus" on nuclear policy. This must change.

Equally serious Is the attempt to get Ms Gandhi to pander to Hindu "religious" leaders. She met the Kanchl Shankaracharya In Delhi on March 10. This is said to be only one of many planned "Interactions" with religious leaders "outside the BJP camp."

The Shankaracharya is no apolitical person "outside" the BJP camp. According to The Times of India (Mumbai. Feb 4). he supported Gujarat's decision on the RSS. “The RSS llsj a patriotic organisation engaged in building character and inculcating discipline... RSS volunteers work diligently..." He opposes religious conversions, and says these "would increase by leaps and bounds" if reservations are extended to nonHindu Dalits.

This means the Congress is still unsure of Itself. Not long ago. it said “Hindu tolerance" is “the best guarantor of secularism in India." But secularism is not religious tolerance. It means separating religion from politics.

The Congress paid a huge price in the past for playing footsie with Hindutva. It would be suicidal for it to repeat that error. If it chooses secularism and rejects Jingoism, it has a bright future. Or else, it becomes the BJP's “B" team.

There is a sharp demarcation between the Gandhl-Nehru-Ambedkar legacy, and the Hedgewar-Golwalkar-Vaj-payee. tradition. It is futile to try •to blur the line.