***With RSS' grip tightening on the BJP government, India is slowly but inexorably going to be saffronised, says M Abdul Hafiz***

EVEN a year before when Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee was still through his first innings it could be a wild dream. The turning point came, however. during Kargil and his stature went up dramatically making possible for him to achieve anything from wining war to sweeping a national election. Mr Vajpayee craftily turned his defeat in the parliament in April last year into resounding victory in electoral battle, six months later. But no one thought him to be capable of carrying his triumphal march anywhere beyond that.

Belying those notions his BJP could make impressive showing in recently held Assembly election In four important states. Although it had no sweeping victory in those elections the BJP could make through them its Pak-lndian spread a possibility — henceforth the preserve, only of Congress party. The corresponding Congress rout in these election made BJP's modest electoral gains in the state assemblies glaring.

This is only what one sees on the surface. There are much more than that meet the eye. Surreptitiously and in a subtle way the BJP's hidden agenda' is

also at work totally transforming the polity. Since the BJP-led government' came to power in early 1998 all of its cautious and calculated steps from rewriting history, changing curricula. introducing Saraswati vandana in educational institutions to reorganising institute of historical research and arousing anti-conversion hysteria either by the government or BJP's front organisations were all directed towards that transformation.

The compulsions of running coalition government did force the BJP to play down some of the strident issues like construction of Ram Temple, uniform civil code and repealing of the constitution s Article 370 but they could not dissuade the vast army of Sangh Parivar from spiting fire and brimstone on those issues. It was in spite of occasional protests from the secular constituents of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) like DMK. Trinomul Congress and Telegu Desam Party who categorically warned the Prime Minister against raising ol issues central to Hire dutua identity.

But as an old member of the RSS Mr Vajpayee has his own commitment to its Ideology

notwithstanding his constraints also as a coalition Prime Minister. It is evident from his endorsement of the action in which Gujral government has lifted the ban on the public servant's joining the RSS. He lightly dispensed with the matter by calling the RSS simply a cultural organisation Immersed in great patriotism. He however likes to draw a Lakshman Rekha which he will not trespass as the head of NBA.

LK Advani, the Home Minister goes further in defending the role of RSS in influencing ov-emment decisions. He argues that the Sangh Parivar is sentinel for safeguarding either and values in public life. It is therefore legitimate for the Sangh to extend its moral authority on the functioning of the government in which also there are swayasevaks. Gujrat Chief Minister Keshmubhal Patel remorselessly said that he only removed an aberration by lifting the ban. To great majority of people however RSS selfperception of being a cultural body' remains.

What are then tlie bounds of RSS' cultural parameter. The government functionaries awkwardly find it extended even into the micromanage-

ment of ihe administration. In last two years of BJP rule there are numerous cases of RSS compelling the administration to accept its suggestion. The most glaring was the case of Ja-sawant Singh In which Mr vaj-payee was coerced into appointing him the Finance Minister in 1998. The experiences were prickly even when the RSS prevailed upon the government for small little things of routine administration and tried to impose their preferences on the government. For example, the RSS-affilialed Kisan Sangh pressed Gujral government to pursue its anti-cow slaughter polices more rigidly and enact a new law against conversion, making it punishable bv three year's Jail term.

In 1999 the RSS hardliners wanted the government to in-duci primary school teachers with a parivar backgiound. K S Sudarsan. known to be the RSS' political point man conceded that he pressed for the removal anti-Sawadeshi Montek Singh Ahliwala and NK Singh from the Finance Ministry in March 1998 and his demands were met. Thus with RSS' grip tightening on the government the country is slowly but Inexorably going to be 'saffronised.

The BJP ministers are naturally reluctant to either censor the RSS' intrusive stale or stop the ominous process. The experience of both Kalyan Singh in Uttar Pradesh and Bhairon Singh Sekhawant in Rajsthan shows that displeasing the RSS has a direct fallout oh electoral mobilisation for BJP candidates during the election. Although the BJP as a party has grown phenomenally, the BJP still critically depends on the electioneering skill of 4000 RSS full timers. During 1999 Lok-shava election even a formidable BJP candidate like Madan Lal Khurana had to beseech the blessings of RSS before whom he appeared in sacks and ashes In Delhi. It is just not possible to flourish in the BJP with an antagonistic relationship with the Sangh.

Although the RSS has. of late, been developing its fangs and trying to hold the rein of the BJP government s overall policy in its hand the organisation under its veteran head Rajendra Singh alias Rajiu Bhaiya is still amenable to the advises from BJP's senior leaders. During the last tenure of Vajpayee s prime ministership the government and the RSS seemed to be on a collision

course but the present tenure is marked by a spectacular bonhomie between the two. It is said that the NBA government and the RSS are working in tandem on a number of issues which stem from their common ideology. The fundamentals of their relationship were resolved last October between the Prime Minister and Rajendra Singh and many djiferences of approach were ironed out in a meeting between RSS organising Secretary Sudarsan and L K Advani.

But the other elements of Sangh Parivar like the VHP. Swadeshi Jagaran and boisterous Banjrang Dal lack the subtle touch of some of the RSS stalwarts and are always on look out for confrontation. The Water' as well as Fire' episodes and anti-Pope agitation during Pop’s visit in November last are examples of asserting the unwritten writs of those extremists leaving the government looking foolish and even ridiculous. In the prevailing melee the nation will have to be willynilly baptised to the RSS' brand of an extreme form of Hindu nationalism.

The author is a former Brigadier of Bangladesh Army.