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    <title id="Title">&amp; çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð</title>
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          <lang class="3" style="Headline" font="Patrika18" fontStyle="Bold" size="15">Zero Minus Fifty-two
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          <lang class="3" style="Byline" font="Patrika18" fontStyle="Bold" size="15">Ardeshir Cowasjee writes from Karachi
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      <p style=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">***To those who hold that the Vale of Kashmir has to be a part of Pakistan, despite the desire of the Kashmiris to be independent, and to those who feel that we can achieve this end by sending in freedom fighters, we say, this is an expensive exercise in futility.***
</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">HTT TRITING early in 1957.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">\A/ the late Professor T V Keith Callard..in his 'Political Study of Pakistan.' concluded that "if representative government collapses, it will be because its legs are not strong enough to sustain its own body .... Pakistan, by its constitution, is publicly committed to the operation of democratic institutions. It is too early to say whether those institutions are likely to mature'."</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">This is how Herbert Feldman opens the first book of his trilogy, covering the politics of Pakistan — 'Revolution in Pakistan: 1958-1962'. The second book is 'From Crisis to Crisis: Pakistan 1962-1969'. and the third, The End and the Beginning: Pakistan 1969-1971'.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">Feldman lived with the times and based his narrative largely on evidence collected as events occurred. He arrived in Karachi in 1947 with the hordes from across the border. He was well connected, having married Nishat. the daughter of Liaquat Hayat Khan. Sir Sikander's elder brother, and was thus able to observe at close quarters the strange and convoluted politics as practiced in this country. We read Feldman:</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">1962-1969: "At the beginning of August 1965 it became clear to the world that the situation in Kashmir was no longer normal. Unusual military activity was going on, including Indian operations in the Kargil area, in Azad Kashmir. It appeared that India considered that the Srinagar-Leh road, linking India to Ladakh, was threatened and had acted accordingly. The Secretary-General of the United Nations addressed a request to both countries to cease operations across the cease-fire line, a request</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">which met with a negligible response from both." {From Crisis to Crisis')</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">"His lAltaf Gauhar's] promotion in September 1963 	 to</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">be the civil head of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting placed him in close connection with Ayub Khan	 He became almost at once a member of the small top-level group which advocated a 'forward' policy with respect to Kashmir, and there is no doubt that he was a member of the intimate coterie which vigorously pressed such a policy on Ayub Khan. The others, including Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the late Lt General Akhtar Malik, were not civil servants 	At the time of hostilities between Pakistan and India in September 1965. Altaf Gauhar became , very prominent in promoting and guiding a markedly aggressive war-time propaganda in which pro-Peking sentiments received emphasis. " (‘From Crisis to Crisis'Appendix 1).</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">1969-1971: "It is evident that Palit's suggestion was an unsuccessful attempt to conceal the real explanation. So brief a period had been imposed on Aurora because India was relying, no doubt by prior arrangement, on the Soviet Union's veto in the Security Council. It was plain that once hostilities began in earnest the issue would be raised in the United Nations, and India intended that there should be no interruption in the fighting until its purpose in East Pakistan had been</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">achieved.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">"But while the Soviet Union could, by means of the veto, hold the ring, it could not do so indefinitely, and the swift capture of Dacca, even if not the final destruction of Niazi's army, was necessary. The Soviet Union exercised its veto three times, thereby providing time for General Aurora to encircle Dacca and force a surrender. It was accomplished in twelve days and was no mean feat of arms. Had he not succeeded, the political situation might well have become adverse for India. Further, if Yahya Khan and his advisers had been relying on China, or the United States, or the Security Council, they were cruelly deceived." (The End and the Beginning')</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">- "Perhaps the most interesting event at sea was the appearance in the Bay of Bengal of a task force sent by the American Seventh Fleet comprising the aircraft carrier Enterprise, with nuclear-armed Phantoms, an amphibious attack ship, a guided missile frigate, docklanding ships, and supply vessels. The United States government explained that the presence of this force was to facilitate the evacuation of such American citizens as remained in the newly declared state of Bangladesh, but whether those citizens were present in such numbers as to require so formidable a squadron; whether they desired to leave, and whether they were in any real danger seems extremely</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">doubtful. It is evident that the American ships were sent to remind the Soviet Union, then occupying a prominent position in the drama, that the United States was not indifferent to events in this theatre of war and had not lost interest in the sub-continent. As it happened, India declared a ceasefire and the American force steamed without ostentation towards other waters." (The End and the Beginning)</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">"It was learned that the United States had informed Pakistan that if India continued the war on the western front, they would give all material help and support, but that if India declared a cease-fire. Pakistan would have to accept it. The Soviet Union is understood to have informed India that, after taking Dacca, a cease-fire must be declared. Since, as it appears to me, India had no other intention than to do exactly this, the two superpowers, each according to its own logic, made their respective contributions to crystallizing India’s purposes." (The End ana the Beginning)</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">Now we come to May 1999 when the ' Indians discovered the presence of a few hundred well-armed, well-trained Mujahideen entrenched on the Himalayan heights of the Drass-Kargil sector on their side of the LoC. The Indian army, caught napping, was embarrassed and its government, as weak and fragile as is ours, reacted as it did. Let us believe</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">our side of the story. We do not know who the infiltrators are. we do not know who armed and trained them, we do not know how they managed to scale the heights and occupy vantagepoints. We know they are Kashmiri Mujahideen engaged, in Jehad, local freedom-flgnt-ers from Indian occupied Kashmir, continuing their fight to deliver their brethren from Indian oppression and occupation. The Indians are attacking them. We have nothing to do with them, yet in the interest of peace, we would like a cease-fire and to talk to the Indians via the back door, the side door, or the front door, and in the interest of humanity at large we are seeking the help of the international community to bring about an honourable way out of the impasse. In the bargain, we would like back some of the territory of Azad Kashmir and Jammu in the Siachen area lost to the Indians many years ago. The Kashmir issue has to be globalized and to prevent the use of nuclear weapons we expect the global powers to step in and ensure that peace prevails, on our terms, in the region and the world at large. Now. let us not believe the big wide world's side of the story.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">Credit goes to the Pakistan army for its tactics and strategy and for the accomplishment of a tactical manoeuvre which took over six months of prior planning, reconnaissance, the nigh-altitude acclimatization and intense training of the infiltrators. and the supply of special equipment. Presumably. this operation was given the OK by the prime minister</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">despite reservations from certain quarters. He probably assured the army that as soon as vantagepoints were secured our subtle diplomacy would come into play. The world powers and our allies of the Ummah would stand by us. and we would end up better than when we started.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">Strife-torn Europe is tired and does not want another war on its hands. America has just won a war without bringing home one single body bag. No mean achievement. If a war can be stopped by merely tightening the economic screws, the tightening should start. This would be the cheaper option.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">Now. the Ummah in Ouadadougou has not sneezed, the Chinese have not coughed. America is enjoying the long 4th of July weekend. Europe is busy watching Wimbledon, and Big Boris is ill and. having suffered the Taliban in Afghanistan, does not want to look our way. Our emissaries are running round the world like headless chickens whilst our men and brothers are dying on the heights.</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">To those who hold that the Vale of Kashmir has to be a part of Pakistan, despite the desire of the Kashmiris to be independent. and to those who feel that we can achieve this end by sending in freedom fighters, we say. this is an expensive exercise in futility. If we want the Vale we will have to fight for it and we can only embark on a fight if there is a reasonable chance of winning. To embark, we must be strong, powerful, and equal in all respects to the adversary. This might happen after fifty years, starting as of now, of sustained good governance. What is fifty years in the life of a nation?</lang>
      </p>
      <p class=".Bodylaser">
        <lang class="3" style=".Bodylaser" font="Patrika15 Ultra" fontStyle="Bold" size="130">For the present everything possible must be done to get out of the mess, claiming we have won and letting India do the same.</lang>
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