***To a majority of Assembly members, the term "elected" is unpalatable. During deliberations on the first proposal in the royal edict, they pointed out that elections could result in partiality, vested interests, divisive politics, corruption and subsequently to the election of candidates who are not best-suited for the post of Cabinet minister.***

BHUTAN'S King Jigme Singye Wangchuck's recent kasho (edict) introducing three major changes in the politico-administrative structure of the Himalayan kingdom is a long-awaited measure towards the consolidation of the democia.ic process initiated by his father King Jigme Singye Dorji in 1953.

In a fast pace of events, in an otherwise politically rigid and docile Snangri-La. the kasho was made operational within a few weeks during the 76th session of the Ishogdu Chhemo (National Assembly!, i In Tact. exactly 30 years ago. in 1968. then King Jigme Dotji tried to introduce more revolutionary changes in the political structure of Bhutan to form a government combining the monarchical and democratic systems. At times, he seemed to be in a great hurry to transform the traditional monarchy into a constitutional one.

He surrendered his power of vetoing legislative bills cleared by the National Assembly and also offered to remit the office of King if a no-confidence vote was passed against him in the Assembly. The King also established the first High Court in Bhutan and introduced the Council of

Ministers. Somehow, successive regimes could not maintain the pace of reforms.

King Jigme Singye Wangchuck's latest kasho aims at promoting people's participation in the decisionmaking process and clean and efficient governance. An inbuilt mechanism of checks and balances to safeguard national interest and security hits enlivened the debate among pro-democracy forces within and outside the kingdom.

In order to achieve all this, the three-fold political changes introduced by the King are a) the election of Cabinet ministers by the Na tional Assembly, b) the role and responsibilities of the Cabinet to be decided by the National Assembly and c) the adoption of a mechanism to move a no-confidence vote against the King. Although the National Assembly, established in 1953. is considered the most crucial body in the current system of governance in Bhutan, its legislative functions have till now been overshadowed by the omnipresent

executive. Sb far. it could play only a second fiddle to the King.

The Assembly has 150 members. 105 of whom are chimis or representatives of the people elected by the heads of families, ten are monastic representatives and the remaining 35 members are representatives of the government and are nominated by the King. The very composition of the National Assembly. in fact, brings in most ardent advocates of the status quo. thereby making the entire structure very anti-re-form.

This time also, by issuing the kasho. the King appeared to be a lone radical as the Assembly representatives sounded totally reluctant to sponsor the change. The emotionally-packed two-day deliberations on the royal edict in the Assembly speak volumes about the anti-reforms mindset of the representatives. It is quite a unique situation of "the King proposes and people dispose.' This has been the case in Bhutan for the past four decades.

To a majority of these members, the term "elected" is unpalatable. During deliberations on the first proposal in the royal edict, they pointed out that elections could result in partiality, vested interests, divisive politics, corruption and subsequently to the election of candidates who are not best-suited for the post of Cabinet minister. As a result, the King had to nominate flkT

ber Cabinet has emerged that has a tenure of five years. The roles for at least some of these ministers are well carved out. The articulate and dynamic Foreign Minister Jigme Thin-ley replaces Dawa Tshering, the longest-serving Foreign Minister in the world.

What fresh approaches Thinley introduces to resolve the long-standing problems of Butanese refugees is to be seen. Over 96,000 Bhutanese refugees are living in five make-shift camps in the nearby eastern districts of Nepal.

The presence of Yeshey

Zimba, the man behind the economic resurgence in Bhutan, as Finance Minister is also expected to inject an element of openness in the Bhutanese economy. It would be worth watching the approach of Home Minister Thinley Gyamtso in addressing the sensitive question of Indian separatists seeking shelter in Bhutan's forests.

revealed. In fact, most of the pro-democracy activists were looking forward to an animated deliberation on these issues. ~

This would have definitely provided some Indications on what the King had in mind about separating the three organs of the executive, legislature and judiciary and introducing some kind of basic checks and balances among them. This is one reason why the India-based leader of the United Front for Democracy in Bhutan. Rongthong Kuenley Dorjee. called the contents of

the kasho a mere "eyewash' and of no consequence."

The third proposal in the kasho has been introduced in the National Assembly for the second time, after exactly 30 years. This proposal mentions that "a two-thirds vote of no-confidence by the National Assembly shall require the King to abdicate in favour of the Crown Prince or the nextin-line of succession to the Golden throne."

Once again, this time, like when it was introduced in 1968 by King Dorji, the National Assembly very "reluctantly" agreed to consider it. , Eadier , the ; Assembly had, within a. couple of years, de-cjded, Jo ^prfender this privily.

This time, although this proposal has been endorsed by the Assembly, it is yet to be seen how sustainable this particular kasho will be. Given the fact that the King is considered an "object of veneration" and going by the intensely emotional tenor of the debate, the repetition of the last surrender remains a possibility.

The writer is an Associate Professor for South Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

-India Abroad News Service