**At the end of 9-day visit, the Chinese President was visibly elated because Mr Jiang got all he wanted. He won a useful nuclear deal, rested an assurance of Taiwan and remained uncompromising on human rights.

a tier the end of the cold war, /\ President Ziang Zemin lliias been the top Chinese leader to visit the United States late last year. The visit has set at rest — at least for the time-being — the speculations that abounded for years as regards the shape of relationship between the US and China, two main contenders for power in the 21st century. Historically, the high level visits involving the great powers set in motion the trends in international politics. Richard Nixon's visit to China in 1972 had marked transition from confrontation to strategic consensus to deal with growing Soviet militancy and Cart-r's led to the establishment of formal diplomatic relationship. The 1979 visit of Deng Ziaoplng to the US had been instrumental in creating the framework of economic cooperation that was vital to China's modernisation programme.

Although these milestone visits basically pertained to the US and China, in a broader plane, they Introduced fundamental changes in contemporary International relations. However, contrary to the pattern of relationship initiated in 1972, 1989 — the year the cold war ended — saw Sino-Ameri-can relations touching Its nadir as China cracked down against what she perceived as foreign -inspired counter-revolutionaries and the US felt justified in imposing sanctions.

Since then the China policy of the US-led West has been one of 'containment' — reminiscent of cold war days — with, of course, desperate attempt also at constructive. engagement' particularly on international issues. The policy has consisted of the US-orchestrated moves for political pressures and a network of security arrangements aimed at China. Internally. the policy also included persistent US effort to impose western concepts of democracy and human rights in China. While China stubbornly re-

sisted measures designed to pressurise her or interfere in its internal affairs, she however placed great emphasis on economic and technological cooperation with the developed world. President Jiang, therefore. faced the difficult task of striking a balance between the two i.e. maintaining and expanding economic finks with the US and standing up to Washington's political pressures and Mr Jiang did it with great skill during his US visit.

Jiang undertook his visit to the US only after his policies were reinforced by the decision of the 15 party Congress. Earner. he consolidated his own position in domestic politics having few rivals to his authority. Even during the period of the enfeeblement of Deng Xiaoping. he wielded power in formulating national policies which Increasingly bore the stamp of his authority in spite of the .country's paramount leader, still having pulse. Known to be a master manipulator in politics Mr Jiang Zemin who rose from Shanghai's mayoral office to the Presidency of China had now demonstrated that he was also in control of the country's foreign relations and adroitly used hl- -tate visit to the US not only to create an impact abroad, especially in the western countries, but also to strengthen his position at home. After the visit was over, there seemed to be a consensus on the point that for Mr Jiang — who. besides being head of Chinese state is also the General Secretary of China's Communist Party and Chairman of Military Control Commission — the visit was a personal triumph as much as it was also for China.

The remarkable feature of Jiang's visit was that while creating maximum goodwill at

bilateral level and stressing the value of Joint endeavours or strengthen international peace and security. China's sensitive core Interests were fully safeguarded. Although Jiang made no major concession — not even on nuclear cooperation with other countries — he managed to persuade his host to lift the ban on the sale of nuclear technology to China which had hamstrung economic ties between the two countries for long years. During the visit President Jiang virtually ignored protests and demonstrations organised by the Interested groups on issues such as Tibet or human rights but took the opportunity of various func-

tions and interviews to effectively defend and project China's position as well as to advance the interests of China.

On Taiwan, a prickly issue in Sino-American relations. Mr Jiang did not compromise on China's goal of reunification. On the other hand. China expected 'greater discipline' In America's implementation of the 'One China' policy that underpins three major communiques over the years on Sino-American relations. On his Sart. President Clinton reaf-rmed America's commitment to 'One China’ policy but hoped that the people of China and Taiwan would reunite only peacefully. Mr Jiang, however, refused to rule out the use of force. He also objected to the US policy of providing military and political support to Taiwan encouraging the 'separatists' in the island. At the end. the US promised to show greater respect to Chinese sensitivity about Taiwan. Whatever the stated positions and posturing, the fact remains that the two countries basically agreed to disagree on Taiwan.

On Tibet President Jiang was absolutely firm. He referred to the abolition of slavery in the US which was likened by him to the abolition of the traditional system of serfdom in Tibet. In this connection he upheld China's historical right and principles of territorial integrity. which according to him. could not be compromised. Although Mr Clinton did raise the

issue of human rights several times during the visit presumably to mollify the critics of his China policy he seemed to have nothing to mention after the Chinese leader's statement that by suppressing 1959 Tibetan revolt China had emancipated the Tibetan people from slavery of the ages.

Undeterred by the protests and demonstration by human right activists who dogged him everywhere during the visit Mr Jiang remained steadfast on his own arguments on the issue that its concept was relative' to each society and that for China order and stability were more Important. The Chinese President remained unmoved even when Mr Clinton was blunt at the extraordinary joint press conference at the white House in saying that China was on the

wrong side of the history on human right practices. Mr Jiang rather contradicted the US President by declaring in his speech at Harvard that China's approach to democracy and human rights was in accordance with the 'current of history’. although later referring to Tainanmen episode he admitted of probable 'short comings' in Chinese way of work. Dashing the hopes of the Americans that before arriving In Washington Chinese President would make symbolic gesture on human rights by releasing the leading dissident, nothing of the kind happened.

Nevertheless, the main content of the current Sino-American relationship being economic there is a measure of success on both sides. An element of complementary in the economies of the both helped developing mutually beneficial trade relation between them with the US becoming the largest trading partner of China. However. Chinese exports expanded much faster and the adverse trade balance against the US has grown to $44bn, second only to deficit with Japan. This Is one of the reasons why the US could be so easily persuaded to lift the ban on the transfer of nuclear technology to China. Because the deal is expected to bring in its wake a wind fall of sales worth massive $60bn for American companies.

In addition, an agreement worth S3bn was signed for the purchase of Boeing airliners which would prove a boon for America s troubled aero-space industry. True, the deals are extremely lucrative to the US business but then China has also become the net Importer of oil and needs enormous energy for Its developments which can be boosted by the transfer of so:

phisticated US nuclear technology to China.

At the end of 9-day visit, the Chinese President was visibly elated because Mr Jiang got all he wanted. He won a useful nuclear deal, rested an assurance of Tiawan and remained uncompromising on human rights. Even if the US politicians were sullen on China's human right records, the business community was happy. Jiang's achievement did not cost him much. China had, however, to commit itself to adhere to existing international restrictions on transfer of nuclear and missile technology. But China had not to pledge to dis-continue ongoing nuclear cooperation with Iran and Pakistan: neither the US held out any assurance on giving China the MFN status in trade and other economic matters. It is significant that China and the US have agreed to let the market forces have the upperhand and determine the pattern of ties between them. While the US companies are eager to have an access to the huge market of 1.1 bn consumers, Beijing certainly needs capital Investment and assistance from America if Jiang has to make good on his promises he made to the 15 Communist Congress to reform the public sector which could cause a third of the 100m stateenterprise workers to lose their jobs.

A Clinton-Jiang meeting during the visit termed a Watershed Summit' by The New York Times has certainly stopped the precipitation In Sino-American relations after the cold war. It goes to the credit of both Presidents Clinton and Jiang that a confrontational relationship that was shaping up between the two transpacific powers could be turned into one of strategic partnership. It is. however, another matter that the growing Ewer of China as well as over-pping interests of the both, especially in the Pacific, would inevitably bring them in clash with each other in the long run.