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Some Thoughts on Civil-Military Relations-II

by Matiur Rahman
(Continued from yesterday)
Ershad Fails to Get legitimacy
After the death of Ziaur Rahman. Army Chief of Staff General Ershad intended to promulgate Martial Law in March 1982. but refrained from doing so considering the internal bickerings of the army and the adverse sentiment of the civil society. However, wasting no time he made clear his political views to the people, and within a few months overthrew the elected president in a bloodless coup and promulgated military rule. After enjoying all the privileges of power for several years the army could not reconcile itself to going back to the barracks and allowing a political force to assume power, even if it was an elected political force. Based on the strength that they were the only organised force in the country, the army in their corporate interest. returned to power again.
To achieve their end Ershad succeeded in working in cohort with the high army officials repatriated from Pakistan. And as did Zia. Ershad too appointed General Atique the Chief of Army Staff who was subservient to him and also fragile in health. From his assumption of power to the end of his reign one of the main aims of Ershad was to get legitimacy of his rule, which the civil society always denied him. As a matter fact, no ruler in Bangladesh was so despised by the civil society as Ershad was. On the other hand. Ershad also tried his best to woo the civil society. Retaining his military position. Ershad did everything possible to achieve his end. He also, in a cunning way. played with the differences between the Awantl League and BNP— the two major representative, and at the same time contending, sections of the civil society. But even then Ershad failed to succeed ultimately. And thus, he too. started forming his political party to consolidate his own power base. Following Zia’s path, he first organised 18-point Implementation Committee. then Janadal and Jatiya Front and finally the Jatiya
Party. He also brought into his political fold the opportunists and the break-away'factions and Tun-away politicians from both the rightist and leftist organisations.
Side by side with having overall control of the military Ershad appointed his trusted army officials to key civilian positions in a big scale. Fifty percent of the ambassadors appointed during his time was chosen from within the army. Even the position of the secretary of the institution like Bangla Academy was filled up by army personnel. Not only those retired, also the officers in service were appointed to many civilian positions. During his period the armed forces was further strengthened and the budgetary allocation for
them was further increased.
Ershad also amended the constitution at his own will. However, he failed to gain recognition and legitimacy from the civil society even after holding one presidential and two parliamentary elections.
On the contrary, a strong anti-Ershad sentiment started fomenting within the civil society due to the culture of corruption, nepotism. luxury and falsehood he practiced. All the sections of the civil society was bent on overthrowing Ershad by any means. People and organisations of all sorts, all classes and professions and political parties adopted a coordinated and joint programme to overthrow the autocratic Ershad regime.
At last in December 1990 Ershad bowed down and declared to resign. It deserves mention here that in this critical moment the army had withdrawn its support to Ershad. and only after realising it he quickly decided to resign. But it was also learnt afterwards that even after declaring his resignation, Ershad continued his conspiratorial activities to cling to power. It is alleged that he had even tried again to promulgate martial law bv the army. But
his attempts failed due to the united position-of the civil society and alertness Of the army. It was for the first time that the army leadership realised that it would have been a big risk for them if they had taken the position against the united movement of the civil society.
The change in orientation within the army was the result of its experience of immediate-past years. And that’s why the transfer of power from Ershad to the caretaker government was smooth and the subsequent general elections peaceful. The caretaker government enjoyed full support of the army at that time.
The Extended Hand of the Intelligence Agencies
It deserves mention here that during the rule of Zia and Ershad the military intelligence was employed to divide political leaders and activists. Io bribe them, to form party attracting the runaway political leaders, to make them ministers. to dole out business, and even to distribute arms and weapons to the so-called cadres to achieve their aims. The influence of military intelligence was felt in every sphere of the society at that time. Not only that, the regional military commanders and the intelligence agencies had taken part directly in elections to organise vote-rigging and in changing the results of the elections in their favour by ’media coup'. The employment of army in these activities caused a big damage to the nation and its politics. It had tarnished the image of our army both at home and abroad. It had created a strong anti-military sentiment in the society. As a result, the civil-military relations aggravated further. The army leadership that came later had to bear the burden of past misdeeds of their predecessors. They will have to do so in (he future also.
Civil-Military Relations in the Nineties
After the 1991 general elections the BNP came to power for the second lime after being out of power for almost a decade. The new leadership tried to use the armv for its political interest. It seemed that the BNP deemed II crucial to keep the army with ii They effected promotions and postings within the army to suit their interest and reduced the post of the Chief of Staff to the position of a "yes man". Many think that in this way the BNP created a privileged quarter within the army. This also gave birth to frustration in many high officials. A conflicting atmosphere
started brewing up. The unfortunate event ot May 18 and 20. last year took place as a consequence of these conflicts. So far it has been gathered, the BNP government expected political allegiance from Lt. Gen. Nasim in exchange of appointing him as the Chief of Staff of the army. But they did not get it as expected. And that's why by the 13th Amendment of the Constitution the army was placed under the authority of the president during the caretaker government.
Another aspect of the change in orientation of the army in the last few years is that during the last two years of BNP regime when the anti-government movement was becoming fierce, even after the creation of opportune moments and instigation from the opposition to take over power, the Chief of Staff of the army did not do so. Still then the events of May 20 took place and it jolted the whole nation. More so. because it happened at a time when the people tended to believe that the army has been withdrawing itself from politics. The event gave rise to many questions which are still to be resolved. The truth behind the event must be discovered by an impartial in-
vestlgation and revealed to the
After the general election* fit June last year, the Awami League, returned to power after , 21 years, it is not yet tln»eto comment as to what shape the civil-military relations would take during the regime. However. It can be said that the initial mistrust that was prevalent to some extent seems to be non-perceptible at the moment. The government is moving cautiously. Their aim Is to ward off the impact of the past propaganda that was waged against them in relation to the army. And may be that's why the government is not taking any measure or action that may create misunderstanding. It seems that the government wants to see the army run by its own rule
and maintain discipline. It has increased the military budget, though very little, on the first year of its coming to power. We hope that the present political government would take well thought-out measures to forge an appropriate civil-military relationship in the interest of a lasting democratic system.
Delinking the Past
When after 25 years of our independence we are moving towards the 21 st century, when political stability, democracy and development are the main objectives of the nation, the issue of civil-military relations has become more pertinent and urgent. We have the experience of big losses and lost possibilities because of the aggravation of this relationship. So, we must take all possible initiatives to improve civil-military relations without delay.
It demands conscious efforts from both the political and military leadership. I think, the military leadership will have to be more cautious in this regard. They will have to prove through their activities that they will never entangle the army with politics.
The present government and the major opposition party should also be careful not to drag army into politics. They should not try to interfere in the internal affairs of the army in unjustified way. The army would be deployed to protect the frontiers of our country, to assist the holding of elections, to conduct rescue operations after natural calamities and for other operations as are demanded by the situation. There has to be a national consensus regarding the role of the army. The experience of last 25 years led to different opinions as regards the powers and positions of the army. There are differences of opinions among the experts, as well as in the society as to the size of the army These debates must be settled And the members of the armed forces should not be perturbed In such a discussion Very often the army personnel cannot tolerate any criticism. This is not a healthy sign. In a democratic society, debates on military affairs should not be a taboo. The absence of the scope for discussion of military issues had created many problems I think, save the Information about arms and weapons, military
strategy and some classified items, everything should be dis-. cussed openly;.
During the last few months, we are witnessing some improvement in this regard. The military leadership is meeting with the representatives of the civil society, exchanging views and keeping contacts. This contact should not be kept limited only as regards the Hill Tracts problems. Its scope has to be extended. The arrangement of the two-day seminar (held at the Mirpur Staff College), the selection of the topic being discussed at the seminar and the persons who have been invited to participate testify to the openness of army. This is a very positive sign. The scope of discussion snail have to be expanded. Why shall not the budget of the army be discussed in ■ the Parliament? Why cannot be any adjournment motion as to the benefits and facilities of the army moved in the parliament? Even there is no Parliamentary Committee on military affairs and defence ministry. Without having all these it would not be possible to bring in transparency and accountability in the army and improve civil-military relations. We all have to accept the truth that nothing good can be delivered to the people keeping them secret. This Is more relevant to the army at present than ever before. Taking stock from the past experience it can be said that the army should expand its contacts with different sections of the civil society, and improve its relations with them.
In this context. I want to draw the attention to two aspects:
The first: the DFI (Defence Forces Intelligence) the central intelligence agency of the armed forces, snail nave to be totally re-oriented. The charter of this agency shall have to be re-examined. The people have the right to know by what laws this agency is being governed. Because, the DFI had overstretched itself during last two decades. To the civil society the very name DFI has become a symbol of something bad.' something to be despised.
And the second: The body that exists in the name of ISPR (inter-Services Public Relations) should be dismantled. What this body is doing is blocking the flow of information. hiding the truth and propagating what is false. Unless this body Is modernised and made uptodate with the needs of the time It would exist as a barrier to the Improvement of civil-military relations. The army and the ministry of defence should act to do something in this regard.
In conclusion. I would like to wish that the positive role of Bangladesh army in upholding the democratic process, in maintaining law and order in the country, during our general elections and during natural calamities, and as peace-keep-Ing force in different countries continue and flourish.
Hu- author is the editor of the daily Bhorer Kagoj This paper was presented in the recently held seminar at the Army Staff College Mirpur
(CmuludedJ
Tht author is the editor of the daily Bhorer Kagoj