*** The question that has loomed large to the international observers: How would Hong Kong be run after the midnight of June 30, 1997; would it be the HK way or the Beijing way?

ASM Nurunnabi writes ***

ONG KONG is the last re maining substantial territory of the British Empire. First occupied by the British as a trading post In 1841. the territory was ceded to Britain by the treaty of Nankingin 1882. In 1898. Hong Kong along with the area north of Kowloon and other surrounding islands formed the New Territories which were leased to Britain for 99 years. The lease will expire on 30th June. 1997. when Britain hands back Hong Kong and its adjoining areas to China.

The handing back of the colony to a sovereign:' state’ rather than giving it jndeppnf. dence follows years of difficult' negotiations between Britain and China. All British colonies were run autocratically, but in the last stages before independence and a long time before, as in India, the Caribbean arid West Africa, the people were given considerable democratic rights. Not so in Hong Kong. Until a few years ago. a curious situation existed there: while there was almost complete freedom of expression, there was no democratic political system. It became a unique example of a benevolent autocracy.

At the storm centre stands the political Governor. Chris Patten, appointed by the British government to wind up the British rule. The question that has loomed large in the eyes of international observers has

been: How would Hong Kong be run after Britain hands it back to China at midnight of June 30. 1997? Would it be the Hong Kong way or the Beijing way? China had previously pledged itself to the former by enshrining the principles of one country. two systems" in the Slno-British Joint Declaration and in the 1990 Basic Law. the de facto constitution for what would be known as the Hong Kong Special Administrative ^^n. China had promised that ^e territory could keep the jbdstmg way of doing things for' 50 years, a promise incorporated in the aforesaid principle.

In about six months. China's Communist government will become Hong Kong's sovereign master. In this context, several Juestions have arisen: Will the ommunist government take a back seat and keep its promise to allow the territory a "degree of autonomy?" Or will it ano its various organs act as overlords constraining the Hong Kong governments every move? There are a lot of people in Hong Kong who are wondering whether such an overlord will exist in the future. There are. however, some keen observers who express confidence and a strong faith in China's strict

implementation of the "one country, two systems'" concept, under which Hong Kong would be able to run its own affairs.

From the lofty ramparts of Hong Kong-China relations, such optimism may be warranted. It is felt that the highly educated and worldly cadres in charge of Beijing's Hong Kong policy have every reason to honour their hands-off pledge. Doing so would enhance Hong Kongs economic, val.ue^Q.Ciyii a while strengthening Bering's relations with Western countries- and with rival Taiwan? According to some veteran observers. the strategy of not getting involved in the day-to-day affairs of Hong Kong is based on a national perspective, purely out of self-interest.

The process by which Hong Kong's first post-colonial executive was selected on December 11 last, out of four candidates in the final rounds, looked like a race and polled like a race. The choice was made by 400 local luminaries who were themselves chosen behind closed doors in Beijing. The selection procedure was set forth in the Basic Law that would govern post-1997 Hong Kong.

Out of the four contenders. Tung Chee-hwa. a refugee from

China's 1949 Communist revolution who became a shipping tycoon and pillar of the colonial order, won a crushing victory to become Hong Kong's first leader in Us post-colonial era. Tung, tipped from the outset as Beijing's favourite, took 80 per cent of the votes of a China-organised committee of the 400 notables. On becoming chief executive of Hong Kong's semi-autonomous government when it returns to Chinese sovereignty on July 1. 1997 and Chris Patten, the last British governor, gone home, one of Tung’s first tasks will be to oversee the appointment of a provisional legislature to replace the elected one which China plans to disband. Tung's triumph is likely to please Hong Kong's powerful business community. which had rooted for a tycoon to take charge of this economic giant of Asia.

Hong Kong's future under China, just about six months away, was underscored by the huge red podium backdrop, emblazoned with the five-starred emblem of Communist China. Those concerned with civil liberties worry about Tung's advocacy of "Chinese values" and his criticism of Hong Kong's popular and combative Democratic Party. They fear he is too comfortable with Beijing's authoritarian style. China, however. Sremises to uphold Hong Kong's eedom and capitalist system.

Since China has angrily de-

cided to discard the mildly democratic reforms put in place by the last British governor. Chris Patten, after more than a decades argument over what the formula "one country, two systems" means, the Chief Executive. C H Tung is viewed by observers as having been uncomfortably placed in the middle with the options: will he adopt the role of Beijing's loyal servant or will he defend the ways of life that make Hong Kong so different from the mainland?

Everything about Tung suggests that he will try to have it both ways. As a Shanghai native who studied in Britain, worked in the United States and ran a huge ocean fleet out of Taiwan and Hong Kong, he embodies the kind of international life on the edge that gives Hong Kong its energy. As a conservative businessman. Tung also exemplifies the Hong Kong tycoons wno fear that too much rabble rousing democracy may fray the territory's lucrative ties to the mainland. To the core. Tung Is regarded as a conciliator. a master of the quiet compromise — but that does not necessarily make him a pushover. Tung's respect for Chinese values — those based on personal obligations rather than individual rights — is homegrown and sincere, by all accounts. Even Tung's critics credit him with showing strength of character under

stress.

In the opinion of International observers, the destiny of Hong Kong's people will be largely In the hands of the new chief executive. He will be the one to speak for their fears and aspirations — to the world and to a regime in Beijing that is not used to listening. He will be the one to stand up for Hong Kong's interests within a central government riven by the conflicting demands of powerful provinces and bureaucracies, as well as the current internal power struggle for top positions in China.

Defying British and US protests. China very recently began setting up a new legislature that will abort and replace Hong Kong's elected assembly when British rule ends on July 1. In so doing China was courting fresh accusations that it is reneging on its promises to preserve Hong Kong’s democratic rights. The big questions now looming are how long the so-called provincial legislature will last, and when Hong Kong will be allowed to elect its successor. Tung Chee-hwa. the newly elected head of the Hong Kong government to take over from July 1. has promised it will last exactly one year and that a new one will be elected partially by direct ballotting as soon as possible, probably during the first half of 1998. In this context, while the outgoing British governor. Chris Patten, has urged China to restrain Chinese interest groups which have been seeking to assert their influence in the territory. Chinese Foreign Minister Qian Qichen. has served warning about limits on press freedom.