SECLUDED Kerala Hou se comes in handy to Union Industry Minister K Karunakaran for his political activities. This Is the place he used when, as Kerala chief minister, he brought round top Congress leaders to choose Naraslmha Rao to head the government at the centre. The then Maharashtra chief minister Sharad Pawar was the last to fall in Une.

Helping Karunakaran at that time was Madhya Pradesh leader Ariun Singh, today's staunchest opponent of Rao. After vainly trying for Sonia Gandhi to be India's prime minister. Arjun Singh was all for Rao. For his sake. Karunakaran did not associate Sharad Pawar with the i exercise of finding a successor to Rajiv Gandhi. His comparatively young age did not fit into Arjun Singhis scheme of things. The latter himself aspired to be Rao's successor.

Little did Karunakaran or. for that matter. Arjun Singh anticipate then that one day they will be in opposite camps. Arjun Singh has constituted a separate party, the Indira Congress, breaking away from the main party. And Karunakaran. after having lost support in Kerala, has been accommodated at the centre. He believes that he has cleared the debt, but Karunakaran feels his seniority has not been recognised. However. Karunakaran and Aijun Singh have not lost contact, nor consideration for each other. It was but natural for Karunakaran to sound Ariun Singh first.

N D Tewari. heading the Indira Congress, too is no stranger to Karunakaran. Both have jointly solved many crises In the Congress party. They are the ones, who used all pressure, to replace the

then Congress Karnataka chief minister. S Bangarappa with Veerappa Molly. Karunakaran has found little objection to Tewari's reinduction. Rao wants him back and recalls how he tried his best to make him stay.

When it has come to Arjun Singh’s return. Karunakaran has run into all kinds of problems. But he should have known this. What he does not realise is that the differences between Rao and Arjun Singh have got so entrenched that the two cannot stay in the same party. It is not a clash of ideologies or even personalities; it is a feeling of betrayal by one against the other.

Arjun Singh harbours the grievance that Rao never gave him his due. although he stood behind him loyally. Rao. on the other hand, nourishes the impression that Arjun Singh, when in the party, projected the image of a better and stronger leader than him. The animosity between the two has not stayed with them alone; it has spread to their supporters, making things still more difficult.

There is no doubt Karunakaran has spanned distances among many leaders in the past. But when he did so. either during Indira Gandhi's regime or that of Rajiv Gandhi, the party had an undisputed leader drawing strength from support at the grassroots. Rao has not graded to that level. He is drawing less and less crowds. The party accepts him but does not respect him. Rajiv Gandhi did not even consider him important enough for the Congress ticket in the

1991 Lok Sabha elections.

Rao is himself to blame for dlssidence in the party. So long as he stayed within the limits that a consensus leader has and held consultations with the party leaders, there was no problem. Persons like Arjun Singh had the satisfac tion of sharing power. But when Rao began to cut his contenders to size, he asked for a fight. Arjun Singh was ignored and slighted deliberately. Still the parting of ways would not have probably come if he had seen the victory of Congress under Rao. The prime minister's ambl-

tion to have a second term further put Arjun Singh off because he expected to step in after the 1996 polls.

It goes without saying that Karunakaran has Rao's nod in his efforts towards unity. He has even the blessings of Queen Mother Sonia Gandhi, whose name he Invokes like a mantra. Unfortunately, his ally this time is Environment Minister Rajesh Pilot, who does not have the. stature of Arjun Singh but the ambition to be prime minister. Pawar favours unity but he Is not happy with Rao who. as Congress president, has appointed 13 vice-presidents. 18 genera] secretaries and 27 Joint secretaries to stoke

the fires of difference in the Maharashtra Congress Pawar may put up his own candidates if Rao does not accommodate him in the coming Lok Sabha polls.

Karunakaran feels that even single handed he can pull the unity through provided Rao is willing to pay the price. At present, he occupies both positions, one that of prime ministership and the other of the Congress party chief. If he were to give up either of the two. the Indira Congress would immediately Join the main party. Both Tewari and Arjun

Singh make no secret of it.

And It appears that Karunakaran is working on a formula which suggests one office for one man. The Indira Congress will not agree to anything less. Mere words cannot make it happy because even the initial revolt was born out of dissatisfaction over the distribution of power Once Rao Is not seen as an automatic choice as leader after the elections. Muslims may also return to the party. They constitute 14 per cent of the electorate, and they can tilt the balance in as many as 200 Lok Sabha seats. The rank and file of Congress knows this.

This should have been

Karunakaran s main argument. But he is afraid to attack Rao directly. He still refuses to face the reality. Congress cannot run on miracles or quick fixes. The party has to go back to Its ethos: secularism. After the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Muslims have developed an allergy to Rao. He could have probably regained their confidence by offering a public apology. But then he is afraid of losing the faith of Hindus still further.

The nub of the problem Is how to make Rao realise that the party has lost more during his tenure than at any other time, except during the emergency (1975-77) and soon after when Congress was decimated at the polls. Karunakaran’s observation that he has sorted out the worst impasses lacks the ring of credibility because his wishes are overriding the realities.

Lines were drawn some time back and have got more delineated by inadequate response of the prime minister. It is largely a clash between Rao and his supporters, who believe Congress is their preserve. and others who want to take the party along the road towards conciliation and consensus. This is. however, not the first time that unity In Congress has been triea Several months ago. Rajesh Pilot and Ahmed Patel, a Congress leader from Gujarat, mane an attempt More re-cenilv. Pawar had a go at it. But all gave up liecause of Raos irreconcilable attitude towards Aijun Singh.

The reason why Rao has

gone along with the unity moves is the realisation that Congress, as of today, cannot cross the figure of 100 In the 546-member Lok Sabha. One survey, recently commissioned by Rao. gives him only 76 seats. The unified party, the prime minister trusts, may increase the strength to 175 or even more, the number which will give him the commanding position.

True. Karunakaran has kept Pawar in the picture But Pawar is reconciled to Rao. not enthusiastic about him. At one time Karunakaran also considered the possibility of forging unity between Congress and the National Front. Many Congress leaders argue in its favour openly these days because such a combine has the possibilities of sweeping the polls. Here too the Rao factor poses a problem. He will resist any alliance, front or conciliation if his position is not ensured.

Not long ago. when Rao faced a vote of no-confidence in the Lok Sabha and required seven votes to survive, some well-meaning persons floated the idea of a coalition government comprising Congress and the Janata Dal. But Rao. who is adept in the art of purchase and manoeuvres, said no’. His was a stock reply that the Janata Dal could Join Congress and share power but not as a separate entity The proposal did not take off.

The problem that Karunakaran faces is not how to effect unity between Congress and the Indira Congress but how to make Rao realise that he Is not an ideal leader. His success depends On the extent he can persuade Rao and his supporters to face the facts.