THE announcement for election of women commissioners to the city corporations by 15 March (Bhorer KagoJ 24.2 1994. Daily Star 27.2.19941 Is not likely to win a cheer for democracy ' The Ministry of Local Government Is reported to have framed rules whereby women commissioners will be selected for 17 sones. 10 In Dhaka. 3 In Chittagong. 2 each In Khulna and Rajshahi. This can hardly be interpreted as an affirmative action for women's representation. There can be little dispute with the need to enable women to participate in the process of decision making in electoral Institutions. But the low numerical quota is likely to bring about no more thah a token presence. 17 women representatives out of a total of 192 commissioners does not reflect the current sex ratio in urban population. Nor does It represent the male/female ratio of 59.33 per cent men and 40 66 per cent women amongst 28.69.040 registered voters.

Seven women contested In the Dhaka City Corporation elections last January That none of them won. could not have come as a surprise. The election culture, which now a days encourages the use of arms, muscle and money no doubt oontributed to their defeat and may discourage further participation of women; since political parties are not yet prepared to widen their doors for women's political participation, there will be little change in the gender bias tn nominations for electoral candidates, unless favourable circumstances are created to make women's representation possible.

The proposed mode for selection of women as city ward commissioners, through Indirect elections, will not. however, empower them to speak and work on behalf of women. This is similar to the case of the 30 women in Parliament, elected indirectly by the'Sitting members of the House, who are supposed to represent women's concerns, but remain unaccountable to a women's constituency. In the city corporation the franchise for women's representatives has been shrunk to the elected city commissioners and the mayors only. It is obvious that their dependence upon the support of a small number of male members of Parliament or city corporation commissioners who are Instrumental in electing them is not likely to make them respond to the needs of the women’s con-

stituency

Reservations for women i seats were Introduced In the 1972 Constitution to ensure a minimum political partici pation. This was considered necessary to induce them into electoral office and to broaden the environment for their political participation. 15 seats tn a House of 300 members were reserved for women for the first 15 years only, during which time It was expected that the political process, which alienated women, would become more open. This quota was later revised to 30 women in Parliament and one third In union paHshatis

Even In 1972. women s or ganl sat ions argued strongly for direct franchise in stipulated constituencies, while conce ding the need for reserved

seats In electoral Institutions. The perpetuation of an Indirect system of election since 1972 is far out of date and needs to be revised in the Interest of democratlsation

Women's groups have de manded a review of the system of Indirect elections for women, to make their participation meaningful both for the women elected to office as well as to the voters. During the movement for democracy which led to the fall of General Ershad, the women's movement made a strong and active contribution. A major demand of the Otkkyo Baddho Nart Samqf. submitted to the all parties liaison committee in 1989 and 1990. was for direct election of women — one to represent each district — to the reserved seats.

In both the 1991 national elections and the city corporation elections, women have not been silent. Their visibility in the city corporation elections has been noted in most media reports on the elections; as voters, they waited in long lines inside and oatside the voting centres. From a breakdown of at least 14 women's polling centres in Dhaka city, it was found that women cast over 50 per cent of the votes had been cast. This is a reasonably high turnout particularly given the demands on a woman's time.

And It certainly reflects a strong expression of women a interest In the run up to the elections women were active In support of candidates and to uphold free and fair participation; they campaigned from house to house, bring out street processions and help public meetings. The Bangla desh Mahila Pari shad held meeting in Mfrpur not tn support of any particular candidate but to voice women a demands for direct representation In electoral institutions, for a justified use of votes to ensure that candidates elected to the local gov eminent do not represent re gressive forces which are anti women.

Neither of the leading parties has so far been willing

to democratise the process for electing women. This is because they see the reserved seats merely as a means of increasing their party strength. As a result a non democratic system for women s representation is perpetuated. In other words the majority party either on Ite own strength or through negotiations Is able to use this quota to Increase its own party strength, tn this system, women will thus remain pawns in the game for political power They cannot hope to engage effectively in cons tituency politics.

To ensure meaningful participation and representation by women require a change in the electoral system. Administrative difficulties or lack of precedent can no longer be a justification for perpetuating moribund rules. In the 1954 elections in Bangladesh, women contested for reserved seats in municipal areas on the principle of one person two votes, so that each voter exercised his/her franchise for the general seat as well as for the women's seat. Women's right's activists have argued that political parties be obliged to give a minimum of 5 per cent of their nominations to women. This system was proposed in Nepal at the last elections because it was felt that political parties needed to be

persuaded towards such a derision A second suggestion is that without detriment to their candidature for the general seats for one third of seats in local elections women candidates should contest under direct franchise. In India, a constitutional amendment (Seventy Second Amendment Bill 19911 has ensured that elections to the local Panchayats and gram sabhas are held on the basis of adult franchise: the bill further specifies that "not less than one third of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election In every Panchayat shall be reserved for women and allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Pairchayat ~

The presence of large num ber of women In the bastions

of local power In the Indian states is more than cosmetic. The women elected to local governments have successfully campaigned for social benefits for the community, and have Ignored the image building projects usually supported by me Thus In Kerala women have campaigned against the licensing of alcohol shops which had contributed to an Increase in violence against women; in contrast the men supported measures for increased revenues from such shops without addressing the social problem In West Bengal women members of the Panchayat have contributed to the phenomenal increase In education. Even as South Africa emerges from long years of apartheid and violence, both blacks and whites have concurred to include women's rights in the country's new constitution. A coalition of 55 women's groups have drafted a national charter of women's rights to be submitted to the New Constituent Assembly which will be elected this April.

It is time for Bangladesh to move out of a Victorian cast for women's roles. Changes in women's electorates initiated in countries such as India and Nepal, are useful precedents for Bangladesh. Administrative sloth or traditional prejudice should not be used as an ex-

cuse to perpetuate outdated systems for political participation Seeing a few women's faces In the House or tn the city corporations is not the way to achieve gender equality In the political process Nor will it make the most effective pee of their talents If women are being induced into public offices to represent women, they should at least try to win the voters of this constituency rather than enter from the back door.

The political parties, who claim to be committed to gender equality, need to act upon this commitment by pressing for an effective participation of women In electoral institutions. Parties which claim to be progresatve have sufficient number of women within their own parties to make this possible; if not there are many women who have spent their Ilves working for their communities. and this work needs to be recognised and put to more effective use

Apart from an Increase In numbers, an important argument for making women accountable to their constltuen cies Is to ensure that women's concerns and problems are placed on the political agenda. Their struggle against violence In the streets and in the home needs to be brought Into the mainstream of politics. The problems they face in the public and private sphere are symptomatic of the social and political malaise. This la not recognised by male ward representatives Specific needs in housing, transport or other communft* ix.cda. procedures for marriage registration are more likely to be pressed by women's representatives.

Commissioners will be more likely to address these social problems If they are made accountable to their constituents, and not if they remain tokens of male voting power. It is through an electoral process that they can begin to respond to the social, political and economic problems of the cities-ln particular to women's concerns. In doing so they may in fact change the language of politics: from an aggressive bid for power to a concern for people. Are the government and pcll’t cal parties ready to accept a change in the form of women's participation? Will the women be able to represent the voters or their colleagues in the city corporation?

The writer is associated with Ain O Salls h Kendra, a legal aid and human rights centre.