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Not So Easy, Europe
When French voters said out. by the narrowest of margins, to the European union pact known as the Maastricht Treaty in a referendum on Sunday, both sides in the argument found something to be pleased about. Europe ts still alive, the pro-Maas trichf people might have said Yes. but only by the skin of its teeth, the anti-union nationalists might have retorted.
A *No' majority tn France, following the rejection of th? Treaty by Danish voters last June, would surety have killed the whole idea off. for the foreseeable future at any rate. A French Yes means the idea of a united Europe gets a fresh breeze in its sails after the Danish disaster, giving supporters of union precious breathing time. But the large No component in the plebiscite result also means that the sailing will now be far tougher than the bureaucrats in the European Commission in Brussels had imagined
The biggest sigh of relief, as expected, came from Germany which has emerged as the strongest champion of European integration in recent months. That, curiously, has fuelled the anti-union fires in France. Britain and other smaller states. Detractors of Maastricht say that German eagerness for union ts proof that Bonn wishes to re-establish its supremacy over Europe, this time behind the facade of monetary and political union
We may recall that former British Transport Secretary Nicholas Ridley had caused quite a furore across the continent two years ago. by saying that monetary union would mean "handing Europe to Germany on a plate". Ridley is no longer a political factor, but his mentor Margaret Thatcher still is. albeit in the House of Lords, and she is likely to find many takers In the House of Commons if she really took it upon herself to lead an anti-Maastricht charge. John Major, the prime minister, has refused to consider a referendum on the Treaty, probably unsure of the outcome given the traditional suspicion with which Britons view Europe, particularly Germany and France. Major now wants a summit before ratification, probably in an effort to put in some amendments which would make it easier for him to sell the Treaty to parliament.
It is more or less clear that the Treaty, in its £ resent form, has become discredited. Whether ermany and its allies in the French political establishment and the EC bureaucracy are prepared to read the writings on the wall or not. Is another matter. For one tnlng. It Is highly unlikely that the Danes would approve Maastricht In a Second referendum unless some changes were effected, By all accounts, the Danish government is not even in a hurry to have this referendum before the Jan. 1. 1993 deadline for Maastricht to become effective. Free trade and free movement of people across national boundaries are one thing, but giving up portions of national sovereignty In terms of control over currencies, economies, wide areas of legislation etc. are something altogether different At a time when the wind blowing from eastern Europe is one of undiluted nationalism. the thought of a Maastricht type federation may not have been premature, particularly as the uilion may well leave Europe's traditional worry. Germany, in a dominating position. But Europe may also find that the road back to the fractured past is also blocked, and supremely unattractive too. The big task therefore before European statesmen now ts how to balance the two. and alley fears that union would mean surrender of sovereignty to somebody else or to a group of faceless, grey, bureaucrats not answerable to national parliaments. It would be a tough task, but it is something they have to perform If the EC is to progress beyond being Just a free trade body.