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China's Press: Let a Thousand Surveys Bloom

Xiong Lei writes from Beijing
fCy yiNTAGE bourgeois" \ / was how many Chi-V nese Journalists dismissed the first opinion poll conducted in 1982.
Only one newspaper — the China Dally, the country's sole « English-language newspaper — ventured to run the survey months after the results came out. The survey was made on the readership of leading Chinese news media in Beijing.
"The survey was better known among foreigners than among our countrymen." recalls Professor Chen Chong-shan who made that first opinion poll for the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
Since then, a whiff of change has pervaded many of China's news desks — and beyond. Polls have also been in traduced to other fields to test a product or aq enterprise s popularity, probe the market potential for an industry and solicit opinions on a govern ment pohey.
Although the opinion poll still seems "alien" to some people. Prof Chen says the Chinese news media In the past decade has attached more importance to the study of its audience.
"Opinion polls, or surveys on the news media audience, are likely to form a breakthrough In China s press reform." says Chen Ruichang, an editor with Guangdong Television.
"We have polled listeners on several occasions since the mid-1980s," says Bao Weijuan. a senior editor with the Central People's Broadcasting Station. Their responses have become one of the most important references in our decisions on whether to retain or scrap a routine, or to set up a new programme.''
Prof Chen s first attempt in opinion polls made in 1982 resulted in surprising revela tions: only 24.2 per cent of the 2,423 people polled "fully
believed in" what they read tn the Chinese press.
A further survey on more than 80 per cent of those who had professed reservations about the credibility of the news media revealed that the major cause to this rift was that, "they reported only the good news but held back the unpleasant information.' and. 'what they reported failed to be Information enough to appeal to their audiences."
Chinese leaders have always valued social surveys, says Prof Chen. Mao Zedong, the late chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, often conducted surveys before making important decisions, and called on the whole Party to pay attention to realities revealed by the surveys.
However, traditional surveys were normally conducted with very limited scope, involving at most dozens of people, each considered "representing a segment of life." Surveys either paid them door-to-door visits, or summoned them for a group discussion.
This allowed some Indepth discussions and it was time- and energy-saving," Prof Chen says. "But it's impossible for it to lead to a scientific, quantitative analysis the opinion poll can offer."
That's why she believes It is necessary "to combine the conventional survey method with the modern means of opinion polls."
As opinion polls became popular after the mid-1980s, the Public Opinion Research Institute of the People s University of China was set up tn 1986. It polled 200 ministerial officials and senior Intellectuals in 1988, the first poll conducted at such a high level.
"These noted figures showed even stronger dissatisfaction with the press," says Yu Guomlng. an associate professor with the Institute. "Among them, 62 per cent were
strongly dissatisfied with the performance of the Chinese press, while 91.5 per cent thought the press voiced 'too Utile of the people's city'."
Another high level poll Jointly conducted by the Journalism Institute (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) and the Capital Press Social in 1988 revealed clashing views between deputies to the National People's Congress (NPC) — China s supreme legislature — and member of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (tPt’CC). an honorary united front organisation. ,
"While 62.1 per cent!of the 1,542 NPC deputies polled were satisfied with the openness of the Chinese press, 63.2 per cent of the 472 responding CPPCC members were dissatisfied with it." says Mtn Da-hong. an associate professor with the Journalism Institute.
"Also, more than half of the deputies felt satisfied with the press' critical ability, but nearly two-thirds of the CPPCC members said the press were far from being critical."
"For many years we emphasised the news media's propaganda function, pinning attention to who said what, when and where, but ignoring the questions of 'to whom and 'to what effect ." says Jiang Xi-uzhen, an associate professor with the China Journalism School.
The high percentage of audiences not convinced by China's press coverage, she say, "should compel decisionmakers to ponder on ways to China's press reform."
She and many scholars agree that press reform should start with the acknowledgement of the audience s right to know, to voice, and to supervise the government through the news media The Chinese press leaves a lot to the desired In this respect." Mr Jiang says.
The Chinese press has tra ditionally regarded the reader ship as Its "god." Prof Chen says "But during the years when class struggle was taken link.' the «« ws reduced to a tool of dictatorship. responsible only to those in power, but totally ignoring the readers' interest."
When China Instituted economic reforms tn the late 1970s. it ushered tn a "golden era" for the study of media audience. Prof Chen says. Scores of national and provincial opin Ion polls conducted from 1982 to 1991 have resulted in several hundred theses and a dozen monographs on the relationship between news media and their audiences. Two national symposiums on the topic were held and a society was founded to promote nationwide surveys of radio and television audiences.
"We are convinced that only with a good understanding of the audience can the press reform have a definite objective in view," Prof Chen says. But she predicts it might take years, even decades, to achieve reform goals, "because too many ideological obstacles still exist."
But Wei Yongzheng, deputy director of Shanghai Journalism Institute, is more opti-
mlstic The momentum of the economic reform will surely spur on press reform at a pare faster than we could Imagine
In fact, he says, press re form "Is already going on quietly ' In the past two years, more than 60 national and provincial newspapers have launched weekend editions, which are fat with highly read able Investigative reports on various subjects appealing to readers. Television and radio networks have also increased entertaining variety shows.
Isn't that a departure from the propaganda domination of our press?" Wei says. He cites the booming stock exchange as anther new plus to press reform.
"In Shanghai there are more than 300,000 stockholders. and they devour all information concerning stocks.' he
says. "The newspapers cover Ing Premier LI Peng's visit to Shanghais Stock Exchange early this year sold out within hours of coming to the news stands, though few people would show Interest In such news even a few years back."
Mr Wei says the Chinese news media will soon be confronted with such an audience, who are Independent In think Ing and action, who have more choices, and who want more Information
"Their responses may determine the fate of a newspaper or a broadcasting company." he says. The press had better be ready for the competition in a market-dominated environment for such an audience. and the study of the audience should well prepare them for ft.'
—- Depthnews Asia.