& çâÌæÚUæð´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Îð¹Ùæ ÁæÚUè ÚU¹ð´ ¥ÍæüÌ ¥ÂÙð ÜÿØ ÂÚU ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´Ð ãæÚU Ù ×æÙð´, €UØô´ç·¤ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð âð ¥æÂ·¤ô ©gðàØ ·¤è Âýæç# ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÁèßÙ ·¤æ ¹æÜèÂÙ ÎêÚU ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ÁèßÙ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè Öè ·¤çÆÙæ§ü €UØô´ Ù ¥æ°, çÁ™ææâæ ¥õÚU ©ˆâæã ÕÙæ° ÚU¹ð´Ð ŠØæÙ ÚU¹ð´, ÜÿØ ã×ðàææ ¥æÂ·Ô¤ Âæâ ãôÌð ãñ´ çÁ‹ãð´ ÂæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýØæâ ¥æÂ ·¤Öè Öè àæéM¤ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð

Who's Who in the New Afghanistan

by Hazhir Teimourian
THE world may now be watching the beginnings of the real civil war in Afghanistan. The capital has fallen lo the forces of Ahmad Shah Masood, commander of the Jamlat Islam! (Islamic Society) party, in cooperation with defecting militia from the old regime.
The guerillas of Masood's bitter rival. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leader of the Hezbe Islaml party that was driven out of Kabul after bloody clashes, are unlikely to forget their humiliation.
They can be expected to fall back to the interior of the Pashtun-speaking southern and eastern regions to continue their struggle — even if their leader officially takes up the offer of the new authorities In Kabul to be prime minister.
Nor are other major figures fn the movement who have established domination over their provincial homelands likely to give up power to the central government.
A return to the previous sta tus quo Is unlikely mainly because of the resentment of Persian-speaking Tajiks and other national minorities at the domination of the state by Pashtun tribes over the past 250 years.
Another firm prediction that can be made is that, due to the perceived need of every faction for moral legitimacy in the new Islamic Republic, the rulers of the capital will Impose strict observation of Islamic practices on the regions under their power.
The following names arc now bound to surface often, both in Afghanistan's new Internal conflict, and in the loyalties of six million Afghan refugees abroad:
AHMAD SHAH MASOOD, hope of the Tajiks and aged only 39. Is. as Defence Minister,
the new strongman of Kabul and northern Afghanistan.
A long-time associate of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (see below), he was born In the PanJshlr valley, to the northeast of the city, and educated at a French school in Kabul. He studied architecture at Kabul Polytechnic for three years, then fled to Pakistan to escape persecution for clandestine Islamic agitation.
In exile, he slid further under the ideological influence of "professor" Burhanuddin Rabbani, fundamentalist leader of the Jamiat-e-lslamic party. During a visit by Rabbani to Egypt. Masood was sent by the Jamlat's then deputy-leader Hekmatyar to the PanJshlr to start a rebellion there.
This was crushed by the gov-
ernment of president Daoud Khan (who had overthrown his cousin king Zahir Shah in 1973) and Masood returned to Pakistan to quarrel with Hekmatyar, before Hekmatyar broke away from the Jamlat to found his own party
Masood returned to the valley of his birth again after the Communist coup of 1978 to start yet another rebellion under the banner of Rabbani.
He succeeded this time chiefly because of the foreign occupation of the land, but also because he realised he could not afford to alienate too many tribal leaders In the region by interfering in their affairs.
Instead, he trod softly and Incorporated hundreds of fighters from other districts among his forces for training In guerilla warfare. In the end, continued warfare decimated the tribal structure of the PanJshlr Valley.
Masood's survival in the face of periodic Incursions by Soviet troops and heavy bombardment of the valley's Irrigation system soon turned him into a legendary figure, attracting yet more recruits.
While formally still a follower of Rabbani Masood has now gained enough power and prestige to be his own man.
GULBUDDIN HEKMATYAR, a fierce Pashtun nationalist and the most strict of all the Muslim leaders. Is the new rebel leader and would seen unable to accept the supremacy
of his former underling *
He has a reputation for tolerating no criticism Afghans criticising atrocities committed by his gunmen have been shot dead — and is a self-professed critic of Western liberalism, despite receiving the bulk of American military help earmarked for the Mujahidin over the last 1 3 years.
Aged 46, he was born in the Konduz region of eastern Afghanistan, studied engineering at Kabul university under Zahir Shah, then fled into Pakistani exile on account of. among other acts, resorting to violence against unveiled women.
As deputy leaders of the Jamlah Islaml in Pakistan he organised unsuccessful rebellions in Afghanistan, then broke away to found his own Hezbe Islam! party.
His success after the Soviet Invasion is chiefly due to his long-time association with the Pakistani army and his ideological affinity with the late president Zta-ul-Haq.
Hekmatyar has supporters spread all over the Pashtun provinces of the east and the south. The new leadership In Kabul may, despite the recent clashes, find It prudent to keep on the table their offer to him of the post of prime minister, Such a post would be largely without power.
SIBGHATOLLAH MOJA-DDEDL. the new official head of state, is a non-nationalistic
Pashtun from the eastern Jalalabad region and the founder of the National Liberation Front of Afghanistan, one of the seven Pakistani-based Mujahidin guerilla groups
A graduate of Egypt s Al-Azhar university, where he sup ported the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood organisation, he taught theology for many years In Kabul, tending towards fundamentalism.
He formed lose links with the royal family under Zahir Shah, making him acceptable to traditional-minded Afghans as well as to some orthodox Muslims.
Mojaddedi also has a potentially large social base of his own. His family, whose founders settled tn Afghanistan in the last century from Arabia, are known as the HAZRATS (saints) and believed to have supernatural powers.
Most male members of his family were murdered In 1979 by Haflzollah Amin, the second communist president, leaving him as the hereditary spiritual leader of the Naqshbandi suft order.
Aged 67. he speaks several foreign languages. Including English, and headed the divided Mujahidin government formed in exile in Peshawar in 1988. His own forces were probably the weakest of all the Mujahidin factions.
BORHANUDDIN RABBANI, a Tajik aged 52. is the founder of Ahmad Shad Masood's Jamlat
Islaml party and a former teacher of Sharia law and organiser of fundamentalist students at Kabul university, including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar
He fled the country in 1947 under a crackdown by president Daoud Khan are received money and military help from the Bhutto government tn Pakistan to mount guerilla raids into Afghanistan.
His group was then known as the Ikhwan al Muslemin, the Muslim Brotherhood, and consisted largely of college students and small merchants
Under "professor" Rabbani, the Jamlat remains an ideologically fundamentalist group and. In step with Hekmatyar, has opposed suggestions from Mojaddedi and other royalists to make approaches to the exiled king Zahir Shah in Rome.
He Is to be the head of the 51-man Islamic Council, an appointed parliament, before elections are held.
SEYYED AHMAD GAI LANI. 60, hereditary spiritual leader of the Qaderi sufi order, is to be Foreign Minister of the new Kabul regime.
A member of the royalist camp among the Mujahidin, he Is a relatively urbane figure, due to his travels In the West, and tends towards a liberal interpretation of Islam.
The founder of the National Front for the Islamic Revolution maintains a home tn London, is a prosperous merchant and landowner, and was once an adviser to king Zahir Shah. His followers are mainly tribes in the south-east. Alone among Mujahidin leaders, he believed that a negotiated withdrawal of Soviet forces was possible.
HAZHIR TEIMOURIAN. an Iranian Kurd, writes on the Middle East for The Times of London.