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RE-ENTRY OF GOLAM AZAM INTO POLITICS

Is the Stage Set for New Polarisation?

by Sabir Mustafa
***If the Ji's objection to “Projonmo" is based on the pro-liberation menage of the sculpture, then one cannot but feel horrified by the thought of how it it even possible for any one to challenge anything dedicated to the memory of 1971 and the martyrs.
THE "election" of Professor Golam Azam as the Ameer or president of the Jamaat-l-lslami (JI) last month came as shock to
Although the ceremonial reentry of Prof Asam. a Pakistani citizen and one of the best-known collaborators of the genocidal army of Pakistan tn 1071. tnto the politics of Bangladesh hits al the sens! ttvtty of millions of people, and may also be In gross violation of the laws of the land, it ap pears to have stirred little reaction among government circles.
The home ministry has not talked about deportation, even though the participation of this particular foreigner in the country's politics cannot be in the national interest; the mtn istry of law and justice has not threatened any legal action against the JI; members of parliament of the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have not even bothered to voice any moral Indignation
What the sequence of events leading to. and following Golam Azam's rehabilitation shows to that It ought not to be seen tn isolation: rather. It should be viewed as a part, as a major component, of a
Far from Dhaka in Rangpur. a small event took place on January 14 which seemed in perfect harmony with the process. a vital link in the chain.
, but which was far removed from what Bangladesh was envisaged to become by Its founding fathers
Fourteen student organisations had drawn up a plan to place a sculpture by Anik Reza in the premises of the Carmichael College. Entitled Projonmo and dedicated to the memory of the War of Liberation, the sculpture depicts a freedom-fighter carrying a child on his shoulders. Any objection? Certainly not.
said the college authorities and the ministries of education and public works
But not Jamaat The JI formed a front organisation, named It the Un-ialamlc Activities Resistance Committee which declared the sculpture "unlslamic" and launched a street agitation against IL The threat of vio fence forced the Rangpur ad ministration to ban public meetings tn the town, and the issue to still hanging tn the bol-
Thts attempt by Jamaat to whip up public hysteria tn the name of "saving" Islam is reminiscent of the way Pakistani rulers tried to stamp out every
aspect of Bengali culture and progressive thought in this country in the 1950s and 60s
If the Ji’s objection to 'Projonmo" is based on the pro-liberation message of the sculpture, then one cannot but feel horrified by the though) of how ft to even possible for any one to challenge anything ded lea led to the memory of 1971 and the martyrs
White It may be advisable not to blow a small Incident out of proportion, it to still undeniable that the omens borne by such displays of Intolerance are not at all good
If such tactics succeed with the Rangpur sculpture, what would be the next step? Attacks on paintings which do not conform to the fundamen taltsts' Idea of culture? Wholesale banning of books and magazines’) Banning of any work of art or literature that may be declared unlslamic by anyone carrying a Jamaat certificate?
Back in Dhaka. Golam Azam once again officially presided over a JI party meeting, just as he had done In 1971, while
organising the Peace Committees, the Razakars. the Al Shams and the Al Badrs
The process, set in motion in the late 1970s under Maj. Gen. Zlaur Rahman, and given a tremendous boost during the nine-year, one-man show of Lt. Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad. proceeded along two Eallel lines: political reha-tation of those forces which actively collaborated with the Pakistani army of occupation. and the growth of religious fundamentalism often patronised by the slate itself.
The two events In recent
weeks went a long way to show the extent to which extreme right-wing, fundamentalist elements are now able to assert themselves tn this county
The trend has been unmistakable over the past decade and a half. As In the past. Islam was once again used as a weapon to breed Intolerance and sentiments against progressive. democratic thoughts. Ershad. who broke all past conventions by taking politics directly Into the mosques, and Zia both played the Islam card, thus legitimising the use of re liglon as a political tool
Dropping of secularism from the constitution, sup-pression of the Ideology of Bengali nationalism with Its Inherently secular message, the use of Islamic rhetoric for political purposes, all formed part of the process whlch*has allowed fundamentalism to grow in strength by becoming respectable.
The tolerance and harmony of Bengali society withstood 24 years of Pakistani propagartda. but now. the secular and pro-
gressKe forces find themselves squeezed
As a result of the 16 year process. Bangladesh has be come a far less tolerant place than It was 20 years ago. The rise of fundamentalism has touched many aspects of society. particularly the media and the education system. Their assertiveness In the field of media reached a high point under the patronage of Ershad. but their influence has increased even after the fall of the dictator.
They have made deep In roads Into the education sector
of the country, as was amply demonstrated by the one-year siege of Chittagong University where extremist teachers tent valuable backing to the Ji's studenl wing, the Islaml Chattra Shlblr in Its successful campaign to have Alamglr Slrajuddin removed from the post of Vice Chancellor
Even before Its victory In the Battle for Chittagong University. the JI notched up a series of significant gains during 1991 It captured 12 per cent of the popular votes and 18 seats in the Feb 27 general elections, followed by a deal with BNP which gave it two more seats in the House; in parliament It was able to project a perfectly legitimate and democratic Image of Itself as both the ruling and main opposition parties curried its favour
But Its biggest coup came In September when both the candidates 1n the presidential election. Abdur Rahman Biswas and Badrul Halder Chowdhury, paid secret visits to Golam Azam to seek assurances about the Ji s 20 votes
Golam Azam had guided the JI from behind the scenes ever since Jamaat begun open political activities in Bangladesh in May. 1979 His election last month as the official Ameer showed that the JI had crossed one crucial threshold — It no longer felt that the sensitivity of the people was a factor anymore
Jamaat's action in Rangpur to not the first of its kind, nor likely to be the last ft to only a microcosm of what would happen in a wider scale if Jamaat’s political Influence and social acceptability continued to in crease.
The country is now set for a new polarisation. The quea-
tion exercising everyone's mind is how deeply the BNP as a party. Is Involved in the process of bringing Golam Azam back into the political fold, and whether the ruling party will Identity itself with the fundamentalist forces in the new polarisation.
If it does so. it will be tragic error, because the BNP stands to gain nothing from this alignment It cannot gain anything more from playing the Islam card than It already has
It may have been under standable for the BNP to have a tactical understanding with the JI during the Feb. 27 polls In order to secure more seats than the Awaml League. But a continuation of that alliance may erode, the BNP's support base among the youth and the urban mlddle-dass. and eventually thwart Its efforts ,to build a political character of Its
On the other hand, BNP's support will enable Jamaat to rapidly consolidate Its position as a respectable party In the long run. It la the JI and not
BNP which can reap the greater benefit from the use of '^the^NpP'^h^ ^stab-
MberaJ society then ft ought to re think n> current strategy, and shtft the centre of gravity of its pabtlcs to the centre or even to the left of IL That would mean taking an unequivocally anti-fundamentalist. anti collaborator stance, and preaching values of unity on the basis of the nation's Bengali identity, rather than division along religious fines.
For some, that idea Is unthinkable because, they contend. the very foundation of BNP’s philosophy. Bangladeshi nationalism. is a non secular one.
But back in Rangpur. the challenge of fundamentalism is not being faced by the Awaml League or anyone else alone. In fact, all the components of the erstwhile Three Alliances have got together against the Jamaat onslaught
They have their differences, some of which are serious Ideological ones, but as In 1990. they have united against what to essentially an assault on decency. freedom of expression, and the heritage of the War of Liberation.
The question Is whether the national political polarisation will be along the lines laid down in Rangpur. or along those laid down during the Feb polls, with the BNP aggressively exploiting Islam for political purposes and Identity Ing itself with fundamentalist parties as 'nationahsta'.
The Awaml League too faces a stark choice It can go on In Its indecisive, often hypocritical and opportunistic path, blasting Jamaat as "anti-fibers tion" In the street while treating it as a partner tn democracy In parliament .Or It can take an unequivocal stance, and Isolate the JI tn the House as well as the street.