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Russia Goes the Yeltsin Way
Boris N Yeltsin's decisive victory in the first direct presidential election of the Russian Republic has once again revealed Soviet people s impatience with the pace of reform as pursued by Mikhail Gorbachev. By becoming the first ever popularly elected president in the 1,000 years history of Russia. Mr Yeltsin has proved that he is a political leader that Gorbachev can no longer ignore and whatever future thire is for the Soviet Union, it will have to be worked out with his support.
Mr Yeltsin s victory really signals the death of communism in the very heart of the communist fatherland. Thorough rejection by the Russian Republic is bound to let lose other radical reform movements in the other 15 Republics, changing forever what has been the Soviet Union for more than 70 years.
It is widely believed that the reason for Mr Yeltsin's massive electoral victory is not so much because he captured the imagination of the Russian people but more so because he symbolised. as no other politician did, the rejection of the way the Russian Republic was being run for so long Of the reforms that Mr Yeltsin championed, the promise of breaking down the central planning system and the introduction of the practices of free market economy have become the most popular ones. After he was elected chairman of the Russian parliament last year Mr Yeltsin introduced 150 reform bills, many of them remained unimplemented due to the non-cooperation by the central authority. This made the crux of his election platform — more power to the Republics and freedom to chalk out their own economic policies at the state level.
The slogan of free market economy seems to have become the panacea for all the ills of the socialist system. It is possible that market economy will solve many of their problems through greater Investment, efficient management and higher productivity. But before reaching that stage the people will need to make a lot of sacrifice especially of many of the state subsidised items — like housing, food, health care and education — which the Russian people have gotten used to over the last several decades. As some of the other east European countries are learning it the hard way. the transition from their archaic centrally planned system to that of the capitalistic one, requires initial hardship on a large scale.
Gorbachev’s reforms are considered too slow. While some consider Yeltsin's version to be too fast. That is where the danger lies. Except for saying what is wrong with the existing system, and what he is going to dismantle, the radical reformer has really not spelt out any policy directives of his own.
Mr Yeltsin's plans to run his own foreign relations. and his desire to establish independent links with Europe and the US are neither unrealistic nor without precedent. These matters could fit in well within the new order of things that are now sure to emerge in the land of socialism.
We hope that he will not fall into the trap of reforms for reform's sake without taking into account the absorbtlve capacity of the system and of the people. He must be fully aware of the viability of all the reforms that he plans to introduce. There is a fear that Mr Yeltsin's propensity to play to the gallery may push him to positions and promises that are not so well thought out. Mr Yeltsin today is at the door-step of a new dawn for the Russian Republic. It should not be marred by adventurism or thoughtless radicalism.