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The urge for peace has never been greater in South Asia
***Indeed there is no quick-fix for Indo-Pak conundrum, particularly with regard to Kashmir; neither can there be a lasting solution in a short time. Yet a process can be set in motion without pre-judgements and preconditions. For Kashmir to be solved, the creation of an environment of widespread trust and a solid basis of economic and cultural cooperation as well as a vested interest in peace are overwhelming imperatives.**
THE long awaited thaw in Indo-Pakistan relation is there at long last. There are all calibrated responses from either side to the development. None seems to be ready to scuttle the opportunity the change of mood offers. For India after the fiasco of much-hyped operation 'Parakram' -the largest peacetime mobilisation ever -- one that started with a bang but ended in whimper was a great damper and the Pakistanis constantly sermonised by Uncle Sam to 'behave' in Kashmir proved increasingly unsavoury particularly when her gains so far from the enterprise are indeed few and far between. For the first time there is sense of proportion in the tone and tenor of lenders on both sides and there is a cautious optimism in both countries as to the outcome of the proposed dialogue. The realisations seem to have dawned on both that an inconsequential hostility between the two, the consequent maintenance of huge arsenal and the nourishment of the nuclear babies of both are only at the cost of people's socioeconomic benefits keeping them perpetually impoverished.
Notwithstanding ideological difference between India and Pakistan soaked with blood and strained with bitterness the quest for peace between the two countries has never been greater before. One of the immediate features of the latest development is the visit of 13-member parliamentary delegation
to India (the first of its kind for both the countries). The visit is the culmination of numerous citizen-to-citizen initiatives launched during the darkest decade of the state-level India-Pakistan relations. Its importance is not merely symbolic. Without firsthand exposure and person to person interaction Indians and Pakistanis will find it hard to overcome the many layers of ignorance, prejudices and distrust cemented in their minds over decades of hostilities through scores of textbooks, hundreds of films and TV shows and countless stereotypes of one and another as inevitable enemies.
But the peaceniks on both sides are well aware of the hurdle -- one of ideological fixation to which the people of the two countries are bound. Although many think that Kashmir is real divide between the two countries it, in fact, lies much deeper and it persists even 55 years after the partition. If majoritarian communalism looks upon Pakistan's existence as sacrilegious, Indian secularism also sees it as irreverent. From these actually grow all other problems like Kashmir, concern over Indian Muslims and in fact the whole set of hostilities that vitiate Indo-Pak relation. And the problems are essentially rooted in ideological divide.
Of course, no less problematic is Pakistan's inability to overcome its ideological schizophrenia between the Umma and the nation state. The insistence of being a part of Umma excludes many norm and obligations of a nation state and extends its mission not just to Kashmir where Pakistan stakes her claim but every-
where else including the welfare and safety of Indian Muslims which is otherwise an encroachment in another country's internal matter. Paradoxically however it fails to explain the separation of its overwhelmingly Muslim eastern wing, nor find justification for huge Muslim integration into India. It's ideological claim either on Kashmir or Indian Muslims' wellbeing only reinforces Hindutva in India.
Yet over past fifty-five years Kashmir has indeed come to be
recognised as an issue of dispute between India and Pakistan inspite of India's constant refrain over its being 'integral part' of that country. Not only UNSC passed resolution for resolving the dispute through plebiscite to exercise the Kashmiris' right for self-determination, the US is throughout actively interested in an India-Pakistan settlement obviously to resolve their existing dispute -- more so after Vajpayee's recent peace initiative. But there are serious snags.
When Pakistan terms Kashmir "the core issue", the "unfinished agenda of partition" or its 'jugular vein' for survival and India terms it the "core of its secular nationhood" or "an integral part." They point to their ideological fixation leading the countries once again to the morass of deadlock. Even if their ideological commitment is directed to the domestic constituencies the time has come to realise that this does not indicate of any compromise that
peace demands; neither does it in any way promote the cause of peace. After all, Pakistan survived all these years without its 'jugular vein' and Indian secularism, despite not conceding on Kashmir continues to face communal challenge. Kashmir is not thus indispensable for either except for their ideological fanaticism.
The fate of newly initiated peace effort is precariously linked with Pakistan viewing it as a matter of 'democratic right' to selfdetermination within secular democratic framework in the larger context of the interests of South Asian fraternity and not as a territorial dispute with India. Regardless of Islamabad's legalistic position and rigid stand Kashmir can only be solved in the light of Indo-Pak amity. India's role is however more crucial in advancing the cause of peace. She must address the minority question within secular democratic framework while accepting the Kashmir question to be decided according to the aspirations of Kashmiris expressed through All Parties Hurryat Conference (APHC). The possible solution must neither injure Indian secularism and Indian Muslims nor lend support to Pakistan's ideological stance.
Indeed there is no quick-fix for Indo-Pak conundrum, particularly with regard to Kashmir; neither can there be a lasting solution in a short time. Yet a process can be set in motion without pre-judgements and preconditions. For Kashmir to be solved, the creation of an environment of widespread trust and a solid basis of economic and cultural cooperation as well as a vested interest in peace are overwhelming imperatives.
Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.